Analytical Techniques for DNA Extraction

Analytical Techniques for DNA Extraction Development of DNA sensors for highly sensitive detection of sequence specific DNA has become crucial due to their extensive applications in clinical diagnosis, pathogen detection, gene expression studies, and environmental monitoring.ref Along with complementary base-pair hybridization between long oligonucleotide for DNA detection, several DNA sensors employ short oligonucleotide (à ¢Ã¢â‚¬ °Ã‚ ¤10 base pair) to this goal. Ref Easley and co-workers constructed the electrochemical proximity assay (ECPA) for highly sensitive and highly selective quantitative detection of protein, where target-induced DNA hybridization between 5, 7, or 10 complementary base system brings redox tag close to the sensor surface resulting direct electrochemical readout. To date, numerous analytical techniques have been established for DNA detection, such as electrochemistry, fluorescence, surface plasmon resonance, chemiluminiscence, quartz crystal microbalance and so on. Ref Among these methods, electrochemical DNA (E-DNA) sensors have attracted much attention owing to their reliability, simplicity, rapid response, low cost and portability, low sample consumption, ability to work in complex-multicomponent samples and remarkably high sensitivity and selectivity.ref The basic principle of E-DNA sensor is based on immobilization of single stranded DNA probe, a selective biological recognition element, on a sensor surface followed by incubation with sample containing the target biomolecules. When a target-induced molecular recognition event (hybridization) takes place the sensor translates that to a measurable electrochemical signal which is directly correlated to the target concentration. In recent years, numerous research groups have studied the perf ormance of these sensors by investigating the effect of immobilized probe structure and probe surface density, nature of the redox reporter used, target length, ionic strength of buffer and modifying the frequency of the square-wave voltammetry employed. ref Nevertheless, distance dependence of the redox tag relative to the electrode surface to achieve maximum signal has never been explored. As solid-phase hybridization is very distinct from that in solution-phase in terms of kinetics and thermodynamics, ref sensor performance may be sensitive to the location of the redox reporter because surface charge would likely alter the hybridization rate of negatively charged DNA which, in turn, alters the signaling properties of E-DNA sensors. Especially for short oligonucleotide (à ¢Ã¢â‚¬ °Ã‚ ¤10 base pair) hybridization near surface the effect may lead to very à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ due to their low binding energy which is not sufficient to overcomeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. Here, we describe a detailed s tudy of the extent to which the location of the redox reporter can be varied to achieve maximum signal within shorter response time in effort to design efficient E-DNA sensors with improved sensitivity. Prior to this work, these electrochemical DNA (E-DNA) and electrochemical, aptamer based (E-AB) sensors have been reported against specific DNA and RNA sequences,2 proteins,3,4 small molecules,5-7 and inorganic ions.8,9 Because all of the sensing components in the E-DNA/EAB platform are covalently attached to the interrogating electrode, the approach requires neither exogenous reagents nor labeling of the target. Likewise, because their signaling is linked to specific, binding-induced changes in the dynamics of the probe DNA (rather than changes in adsorbed mass, charge, etc.), these sensors function well when challenged with complex, contaminant-ridden samples such as blood serum, soil extracts, and foodstuffs.5,7,9,10 These attributes render the E-DNA/E-AB platform an appealing approach for the specific detection of oligonucleotides and other targets that bind DNA or RNA.11-13 In the above methods, electrochemical biosensors are much popular because of their simple instrumentation setup, low sample and reagent consumption as well as high sensitivity and selectivity (Wenetal.,2012; Lu etal.,2012; Wenetal.,2011; Farjamietal.,2011; Xia etal.,2010; Xiang andLu, 2012; Pei etal.,2011; Farjamietal.,2013; Liu etal.,2013b). Electrochemical methods,1,11 being simple, portable and low-cost, are particularly attractive for DNA detection.12à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã¢â‚¬â„¢16 Electrochemical methods have been used extensively in DNA detection assays, as summarized in recent review articles.15,16 Among these protocols, the electrochemical biosensors have attracted particular attention in different fields owing to its small dimensions, easy operation, rapid response, low cost, high sensitivity and selectivity [10,11]. Among these techniques, the electrochemical techniques have received great interests owing to its superior characteristics of rapid response, low-cost, small-size, simple operation, and good selectivity [13-16]. Among these approaches, electrochemical methods have been shown to be superior over the other existing measurement systems,11 because electrochemical transduction possesses a potential allowing the development of rapid, simple, low-cost, and portable devices.12-14 As an alternative to conventional techniques, electrochemical DNA biosensors have attracted considerable interest owing to their intrinsic advantages, including good portability, fast response, and remarkably high sensitivity (Sun etal.,2010). More importantly, a number of DNA biosensors have been developed and extensively applied for the determination of biomarkers (Huang etal.,2014). Microfabrication technology has enabled the development of electrochemical DNA biosensors with the capacity for sensitive and sequence-specific detection of nucleic acids.1-5 The ability of electrochemical sensors to directly identify nucleic acids in complex mixtures is a significant advantage over approaches such as polymerase chain reaction (PCR) that require target purification and amplification. Electrochemical DNA sensors are reliable, fast, simple, and cost- effective devices that convert the hybridization occurring on an electrode surface into an electrical signal by means of direct or indirect methods. the electrochemical DNA (E-DNA) sensor is one of them. This sensor platform, the electrochemical equivalent of optical molecular beacons, exhibits notable sensitivity, specificity and operational convenience whilst also being fully electronic, reusable and able to work in complex, contaminant-rich samples [4-6]. Compared with other transducers, electrochemical ones received particular interest due to a rapid detection and great sensitivity. Combining the characteristics of DNA probes with the capacity of direct and label-free electrochemical detection represents an attractive solution in many different fields of application, such as rapid monitoring of pollutant agents or metals in the environment, investigation and evaluation of DNA-drug interaction mechanisms, detection of DNA base damage in clinical diagnosis, or detection of specific DNA sequences in human, viral, and bacterial nucleic acids [2-8]. The determination using electrochemical biosensor methods has attracted much interest because of their simple instrumentation, high specificity, sensitivity, rapid, and is inexpensive with potential for applications in molecular sensing devices. Amongst the electrochemical transducers, carbon electrodes such as glassy carbon, carbon fibre, graphite, or carbon black exhibit several unique properties. Recent engineering advances have enabled the development of electrochemical DNA biosensors with molecular diagnostic capabilities (2, 8, 18, 33, 47). Electrochemical DNA biosensors offer several advantages compared to alternative molecular detection approaches, including the ability to analyze complex body fluids, high sensitivity, compatibility with microfabrication technology, a low power requirement, and compact instrumentation compatible with portable devices (18, 48). Electrochemical DNA sensors consist of a recognition layer containing oligonucleotide probes and an electrochemical signal transducer. A well-established electrochemical DNA sensor strategy involves sandwich hybridization of target nucleic acids by capture and detector probes (5, 7, 46, 50). First reported in 2003, electrochemical DNA (E-DNA) biosensors are reagentless, single-step sensors comprised of a redox-reporter-modified nucleic acid probe attached to an interrogating electrode.1 Originally used for the detection of DNA2à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã¢â‚¬â„¢9 and RNA10 targets, the platform has since been expanded to the detection of a wide range of small molecules,11,12 inorganic ions,13,14 and proteins,12,15à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã¢â‚¬â„¢17 including antibodies,18,19 via the introduction of aptamers and nucleic-acid-small molecule and nucleic-acid-peptide conjugates as recognition elements (reviewed in refs 20 and 21). Irrespective of their specific target, all of these sensors are predicated on a common mechanism: binding alters the efficiency with which the attached redox reporter approaches the electrode due to either the steric bulk of the target or the changes in the conformation of the probe.1,12,18 Given this mechanism, these sensors are quantitative, single-step (washfree), and selective enough to perform well even in complex clinical samples.12,15 They are likewise supported on micrometer- scale electrodes22 and require only inexpensive, handheld driving electronics (analogous to the home glucose meter23), suggesting they are well suited to applications at the point-of-care. Among these, the electrochemical detection of DNA hybridization appears promising due to its rapid response time, low cost, and suitability for mass production.11,12 The E-DNA sensor,13-16 which is the electrochemical equivalent of an optical molecular beacon,17-20 appears to be a particularly promising approach to oligonucleotide detection because it is rapid, reagentless, and operationally convenient.21,22 The E-DNA sensor is comprised of a redox-modified stemloop probe that is immobilized on the surface of a gold electrode via self-assembled monolayer chemistry. In the absence of a target, the stem-loop holds the redox moiety in proximity to the electrode, producing a large Faradic current. Upon target hybridization, the stem is broken and the redox moiety moves away from the electrode surface. This produces a readily measurable reduction in current that can be related to the presence and concentration of the target sequence. Both E-DNA sensors13-16 and related sensors based on th e binding-induced folding of DNA aptamers23-28 have been extensively studied in recent years. Nevertheless, key issues in their fabrication and use have not yet been explored in detail. Electrochemical biosensors, combining the sensitivity of electroanalytical methods with the inherent bio-selectivity of the biological component, have found extensive application in diverse fields because of their high sensitivity with relatively simple and low-cost measurement systems.1 For example, by assembling artful target-responsive DNA architectures on the electrode surface, a series of electrochemical bioanalysis methods have been proposed for the sensing of specific biomarkers, such as DNA and proteins.2-5 The typical sensing schemes of these designs involve the immobilization of an efficient probe on the electrode surface, incubation with target biomolecules, and measurement of the output electrochemical signal.6,7 A wide variety of nanomaterials including metal nanoparticles, oxide nanoparticles, quantum dots, carbon nanotubes, graphene and even hybrid nanomaterials have found attractive application in electrochemical biosensing, such as detection of DNA, proteins and pathogens and the design of biological nanodevices (bacteria/cells).14,15 Electrochemical transducers offer broad opportunities in DNA sensor design due to simple experiment protocols, inexpensive and mostly commercially available equipment. Among various detection methods, the electrochemical approach attracted much attention due to its rapidness, low cost, high sensitivity and compatibility with portability [10,11]. The E-DNA sensor [12,13], an electrochemical method derived from the optical molecular beacon[14,15], is particularly promising because it is reagentlessness andoperation convenience. In brief, the E-DNA sensor is composed of a redox-modified hairpin-like stem-loop DNA probe that is immobilized on the electrode surface. Without a target, the stem-loop structure holds the redox probe close to the electrode surface, pro-ducing a large current. Upon hybridization with a target, the stem is opened and the redox label moves away from the electrode surface and the current is decreased. This current change is directly related to the target DNA concentration. Many different versions of the E-DNA sensor have been reported to date [7-9]. A popular construct of this type of sensors is a folding-based E-DNA sensor comprised of a redox-labeled DNA stem-loop probe covalently attached to a gold disk electrode. In the absence of a target, the stem-loop conformation holds the redox label in close proximity to the electrode, facilitating electron transfer. In the presence of and binding to a complementary DNA target, hybridization forces the redox tag farther from the electrode, impeding electron transfer and producing an observable reduction in redox current [4-6]. In this approach, a single-stranded DNA (ssDNA) probe is immobilized on a surface and exposed to a sample containing the specific complementary target sequence, which is captured by forming a double-stranded DNA(dsDNA) molecule. This recognition event (hybridization) is then transduced into a readable signal. In this strategy, the target is anchored to the sensor surface by the capture probe and detected by hybridization with a detector probe linked to a reporter function. Detector probes coupled to oxidoreductase reporter enzymes allow amperometric detection of redox signals by the sensor electrodes (28, 34). When a fixed potential is applied between the working and reference electrodes, enzyme-catalyzed redox activity is detected as a measurable electrical current (11, 16, 27). The current amplitude is a direct reflection of the number of target-probe-reporter enzyme complexes anchored to the sensor surface. Because the initial step in the electrochemical detection strategy is nucleic acid hybridization rather than enzyme-based target amplification, electrochemical sensors are able to directly detect target nucleic acids in clinical specimens, an advantage over nucleic acid amplification techniques, such as PCR. Electrochemical methods are typically inexpensive and rapid methods that allow distinct analytes to be detected in a highly sensitive and selective manner [22-25]. Although electrochemical DNA sensors exploit a range of distinct chemistries, they all take advantage of the nanoscale interactions among the target present in solution, the recognition layer, and the solid electrode surface. This has led to the development of simple signal transducers for the electrochemical detection of DNA hybridization by using an inexpensive analyzer. DNA hybridization can be detected electrochemically by using various strategies that exploit the electrochemistry of the redox reaction of reporters [26] and enzymes immobilized onto an electrode surface [27], direct or catalytic oxidation of DNA bases [28-31], electrochemistry of nanoparticles [32-35], conducting polymers (CPs) [35-37], and quantum dots [38]. E-DNA sensors, the electrochemical analog of optical molecular beacons [e.g.,1-4], are based on the hybridization-induced folding of an electrode-bound, redox-tagged DNA probe. In their original implementation, the concentration of a target oligonucleotide is recorded when it hybridizes to a stem-loop DNA probe, leading to the formation of a rigid, double stranded duplex that sequesters the redox tag from the interrogating electrode [1]. Follow-on E-DNA architectures have dispensed with the stem-loop probe in favor of linear probes, leading to improved binding thermodynamics and, thus, improved gain [5], as well as strand-invasion, hairpin and pseudoknot probes producing signal-on sensors [6-8]. Because E-DNA sensors are reagentless, electronic (electrochemical) and highly selective (they perform well even when challenged directly in complex, multicomponent samples such as blood serum or soil) [e.g., 9], E-DNA sensors appear to be a promising and appealing approach for the sequence-s pecific detection of DNA and RNA [see, e.g., 10,11]. E-DNA signaling arises due to hybridization-linked changes in the rate, and thus efficiency, with which the redox moiety collides with the electrode and transfers electrons. To design efficient DNA-electrochemical biosensors, it is essential to know the structure and to understand the electrochemical characteristics of DNA molecules. Motivated by the potential advantages of the E-DNA sensing platform, numerous research groups have explored their fabrication and optimization over the past decade. Specifically, efforts have been made to improve the platforms signal gain (change in signal upon the addition of saturating target) by optimizing the frequency of the square-wave potential rampemployed,11 the density with which the target-recognizing probes packed onto the electrode,11,24 probe structure,25 the redox reporter employed,26 and the nature of the monolayer coating the electrode.25 Contributing to these studies, we describe here a more comprehensive study of the extent to which the square-wave voltammetric approach itself can be optimized to achieve maximum signal gain. Specifically, we have investigated the effect of varying the square-wave frequency, amplitude, and potential step-size on the gain of E-DNA sensors, evaluating each parameter as a function of the others as well as of the structure of the E-DNA probe, its packing density, the nature of its redox-reporter, and the monolayer chemistry used to coat the sensing electrode. E-DNA sensors are a reagentless, electrochemical oligonucleotide sensing platform based on a redox-tag modified, electrode-bound probe DNA. Because E-DNA signaling is linked to hybridization-linked changes in the dynamics of this probe, sensor performance is likely dependent on the nature of the self-assembled monolayer coating the electrode. We have investigated this question by characterizing the gain, specificity, response time and shelf-life of E-DNA sensors fabricated using a range of co-adsorbates, including both charged and neutral alkane thiols. The signaling mechanism of E-DNA sensors is linked to a bindingspecific change in the flexibility of the redox-tagged probe; upon hybridization, the relatively rigid target/probe duplex hampers the collision of the electrochemical tag thus decreasing the observable amperometric signal [5,12]. This, in turn, suggests that E-DNA signaling may be sensitive to changes in surface chemistry which, due to surface charge and steric bulk effects, would likely alter the dynamics of a negatively charged DNA probe. However, despite rapid growth in the E-DNA literature [reviewed in 13] the extent to which surface chemistry affects E-DNA signaling has not been established; all previous E-DNA sensors were fabricated using hydroxyl-terminated alkane thiol self-assembled monolayers (SAMs) [e.g.,1,3,5,7,9]. Here we address this question and describe a study of E-DNA sensors fabricated using co-adsorbates of various lengths and charges in an effort to further optimize E-DNA performance. For example, while it is likely that the signaling properties of these sensors depend sensitively on the density of immobilized probe DNA molecules on the sensor surface (measured in molecules of probe per square centimeter) [see, e.g., refs 5 and 29-36], no systematic study of this effect has been reported. Similarly, while it appears that the size of the target and the location of the recognition element within the target sequence affect signal suppression,24 this effect, too, has seen relatively little study. Here we detail the effects of probe surface density, target length, and other aspects of molecular crowding on the signaling properties, specificity, and response time of the E-DNA sensor. However, the sensitivity is one of the most important limiting factors for the development of electrochemical DNA biosensors.

Annotated Bibliography Lord of the Rings

Rutledge,   Fleming. The Battle for Middle-earth: Tolkien's Divine Design in The Lord of the Rings. Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans. 2004. Fleming Rutledge takes a deep dive into the religious undertones behind Tolkien's masterpiece. This was especially written for Tolkien readers who look at The Lord of the Rings as pure fantasy, totally unaware of the religious dimensions of the story. The author accomplishes this by taking a parallel analysis of the events as they unfold in the book. With scholarly expertise, Rutledge shows the theological themes that drive every action in the story, thus proving the profound presence of religion in the sub-narrative. In his introduction, Rutledge writes the following: Nonetheless, because I have come to the work entirely without expectations, I am presumptuous enough to believe that my delayed, untaught encounter with the Ring saga – combined with my knowledge of Scripture, theology, and the Church – had afforded an opportune glimpse into Tolkien’s deepest intimations. (2) In another chapter, Rutledge writes about Bilbo’s behavior, If there were any doubts about the lasting effects of the ring even on the most innocuous individuals, the next sequence dispels it. †¦ In the great Hall of Fire after dinner, Frodo is reunited with Bilbo. Of course Frodo is overjoyed to see his beloved relative, mentor and friend once more; it has been the greatest desire of his heart. But when the subject of the ring comes up between them, an appalling change creeps over Bilbo. He asks, in a rather too sniveling a voice if he can see the Ring once more†¦ The change in Bilbo is revolting†¦ The implication is clear. One more close encounter with the Ring and dear, cuddly, beloved Bilbo will be on his way to becoming another Gollum. 2. West, John Garret, et al. Celebrating Middle-Earth: The Lord of the Rings As a Defense of Western Civilization. Inkling Books. 2002 This volume is a collaboration among six writers who each explores the place of The Lord of the Rings in the modern Western world. Each of the authors present In John West’s preface, he says, Tolkien was both a devout Christian and a dedicated scholar of the Western intellectual and literary traditions, and his love for Christianity and the West stand at the core of this narrative. Far from being simple escapism or blind nostalgia, Tolkien’s saga actually confronts many of the idols of modernism and post-modernism. (10) Another writer, Kerry Dearborn maintains, Tolkien’s faith was deeply important to him, and it is something woven into the fabric of his stories, but something which must be deduced or worked out†¦Although Tolkien reflects vivid belief in and experience of the world’s depravity, his faith correlates more closely to Christian traditions that would affirm a vestige of the divine in creation and the imago dei (the image of God) in humanity rather than total depravity. (95-96) Towards the end of the book, West writes, We are free to a point. We are free to accept our calling or reject it. The most inspiring thing about The Lord of the Rings, for me, is its heroes’ monumental struggle to fulfill the mission that fate had ordained for them†¦ Nothing could make them abandon their mission†¦ Whereas the good characters all submit to authority outside of them, the bad ones recognize no authority higher than their individual will. 3. Bassham, Gregory and Bronson, Eric. The Lord of the Rings and Philosophy: One Book to Rule Them All.   Open Court Publishing. 2003. The author of this book is chairman of the philosophy department at King's College. This book takes a philosophical view on the lessons on life and living that the Lord of the Rings presents. Particularly, the authors distill lessons about morality and ethics, the power of choice, and the corruptive nature of power. Bassham writes the following, †¦Gollum is the more fascinating character†¦ He represents the good gone bad, something which is always intriguing for those who are struggling to stay with the first. Sam represents the good that stays good even under temptation. Both Gollum and Sam want the same thing: to be happy. Both work hard at it. But only one of them succeeds: Sam reaches his goal and Gollum ends in disaster. Why? This is the momentous philosophical question, because it concerns the nature of the good life, the life of happiness. We need to answer it because in answering we can perhaps also learn something important about how to achieve happiness for ourselves. In the book, the authors make the following points, So St. Augustine and Tolkien agree that nothing is completely and utterly evil, because such a thing could not even exist because existence itself is good. (103) In another chapter, the authors further, In an epic tale of good and evil such as The Lord of the Rings, it is a virtual necessity that the characters representing good and evil can be identified as such by the reader. One way for them to be identified is through their actions. Another is though the character traits from which those actions proceed. There may be different literary reasons for preferring one approach to the other, but when the characters are given personalities that exhibit virtues or vices, the moral lesson is clearer. The lesson is clearer because right actions may be performed for wrong reasons, or, alternatively, wrongful acts may be performed for the right reasons. So just looking at what people do may be less morally instructive than considering who they are. (110) 4. Lobdell, Jared et al. A Tolkien Compass. Open Court Publishing. 2003. This book is basically a compilation of reflections to the places and characters in Middle-Earth. This book is intended to use Middle Earth as a guide to our own life’s journeys. This volume traces the journeys of some of the main characters in Tolkien’s story, their inner struggle and transformations, and cull lessons that we an use as we face life’s many uncertainties. Walter Schepes writes in his essay, It is important to note that most of the distinctions between good and evil in The Lord of the Rings are generic distinctions, and the forces of evil are often immediately recognizable as such from their place of origin, their color, or their manner of speech. (44) The author furthers, These major characters seem to fall into groups of three. First, there are three already wholly corrupted by the desire for power – Sauron, the Ringwraiths, and Gollum. Second, there are the three who belong to an earlier time and have removed themselves from the world to such a degree that the power of the Ring means nothing to them – Shelob, Fangorn, and Tom Bombadil. Third, there are three, The Great, who would have the strength to wield the power of the Ring if they did obtain it – Saruman, Gandalf, and Galadriel. Fourth, there are the three men of Gondor to whom the Ring offers special temptation in their threatened land – Boromir, Denethor, and Faramir. And fifth, there are the three who for differing reasons obtain heroic stature in the story – Frodo, Sam, and Aragorn. (57) 5. Curry, Patrick. Defending Middle-Earth: Tolkien, Myth and Modernity. Mariner Books. 2004 Curry focuses on the different social and political systems that existed in Middle Earth and how these various structure worked together to ward off an evil that threatens all of them. The author maintains that Tolkien’s masterpiece is a spiritual work meant to enlighten those who read it with an open heart. This book also analyzes the symbolic battle of nature against a highly mechanical, modern world and how Tolkien presents us with a cautionary tale about the abuses of technology. The following is an excerpt from the book: However, although Tolkien drew on the tiny corner of the world that is the West Midlands of England, readers from virtually everywhere else in the world connect the hobbits with a rustic people of their own, relatively untouched by modernity – if not still actually existing, then from the alternative reality of folk and fairy tale. 6. Chance, Jane. Tolkien the Medievalist. Routledge. 2003 This book puts Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings in the context of the Medieval Period. The book provides an in-depth analysis of the elements of Tolkien’s stories and relates them to the literary characteristics that were in effect during the Middle Ages. This book will be useful in studying how the elements of Catholic beliefs of good and evil influence Tolkien’s famed The Lord of the Rings trilogy. However, aside from the comparison with the literature of the Middle Ages, this volume offers an interesting perspective on how the trilogy came to be and to what extent did the existing circumstances, particularly the looming world war, affected Tolkien’s value system and how he wrote the book. A relevant quote from the book goes like this, In September of that year John Ronald Tolkien, then a 22-year old student at Oxford awaiting military call-up, wrote a fairy tale poem titled â€Å"The Voyage of Earendel,† about a celestial mariner who sails west to seek peace for Middle Earth. It was the beginning of his invented mythology. (26) 7. Isaacs, Neil David et al. Understanding The Lord Of The Rings: The Best Of Tolkien Criticism edited by Neil David Isaacs. Houghton Mifflin Books. 2005 This volume compiled and edited by Isaacs is the definitive collection of literary criticisms on The Lord of the Rings. The books compile essays from the time The Lord of the Rings was first published up until the renewed interest in Tolkien after the release of the Peter Jackson’s film. This book is valuable because it presents a variety of perspectives and arguments without diluting the beauty of Tolkien’s masterpiece. In Edmund Fuller’s essay, he makes a point about the theme of good and evil in The Lord of the Rings, As to the inherent meaning, we are confronted basically by a raw struggle between good and evil. This contest offers a challenge and demands decisions of several kinds. The power of evil is formidable and ruthless. The initial decision, in which many of the characters participate, is whether or not to attempt to resist at all†¦ So great and discouraging are the odds involved in resistance that the possibility of surrender, terrible than the fight – unless the deciding element is the moral choice of rejecting evil regardless of consequence. (19) 8. Porter, Lynette. Unsung Heroes of The Lord Of The Rings: From The Page To The Screen. Praeger/Greenwood. 2005 Porter’s book presents a fresh take on heroism as defined by the minor characters on the book. Most criticisms on The Lord of the Rings are about the central characters, often overlooking the fact that the ones in the background have struggles and heroism in their own lives as well. Here is Porter’s take on Pippin, Pippin’s value as a hero cannot truly be measured using the typical definitions of a literary hero. The importance of his character lies not in his ability to serve as a classic literary hero preordained for greatness, but in his ability to overcome his fear and self-doubt to grow up and into a heroic young adult. Pippin is truly the everyperson hero who, at least early in his life, might be voted least likely to do anything worthwhile for others, but who matures into a leader capable of heroic action in crises. (59)

Anthropology of Tattoos

Scarred across her back are raised bumps forming intricate designs of lines and angles, a reminder of who she is and where she is from. She thinks back on the ceremony in which she was marked with the painful scarification. She remembered feeling a sense of calm as the village artist pierced her back with a small arrowhead, stretching the skin away from the body and swiftly but skillfully cutting a slit in her back. He repeated this several times as a ceremonial pot was filled with gathering soot from the burning fire. After the artist finished his tedious design, he rubbed soot from the pot bottom deep into the slits, planting the bacteria that would infect the skin, raising the scars into their meaningful design. She felt accomplished that she withstood the agonizing pain while other members of her clan could not. Her newly inherited body art signified the birth of her first son, and left her with a renewed sense of beauty. This is the way of life common to people indigenous to the motherland of Africa. Scarification, however, is not the only form of body art that is used. Body painting, tattooing, and branding are all similar forms of body art, which can be found in Africa and other cultures throughout the world. The word â€Å"tattoo† comes from the Tahitian word â€Å"tattau†, which means â€Å"to mark†. Tattoos have evolved from being symbols of punishment that were given to identify criminals and slaves in the early ninth-century Chinese culture, into a pop-culture trend of using he skin as â€Å"a way of describing the exotic uncivilized other† within ourselves (Schildkrout 2004:324). For centuries, the body has been used as a â€Å"visible way of defining individual identity and cultural difference† (Schildkrout 2004:319). This cultural difference becomes apparent when studying the evolution of body art over time, especially when focusing on the differences between the Western and Non-Western cultures. People have been adorning their body with tattoos and piercing for centuries, but until recently, the thought of tattoos in ancient Egypt had been pushed aside. It has now been discovered that, without a doubt, tattoos did exist in that time period. Although miniscule, a group of enormously important tattooed mummies serve to help prove this point (Bianchi 1988:21). The first mummy to be discovered was one f a woman named Amunet, whose mummy was found in an excellent state of preservation, â€Å"most likely due to the fact that she served as a priestess of the goddess Harthor at Thebes during Dynasty XI†(Bianchi 1988:22). The tattoos on her body were comprised of a pattern of dots and dashes in an elliptical shape on her lower abdomen. The thighs and arms adorned the identical parallel lines of the aforementioned pattern. Two more women mummies, who were discovered and believed to be from the same time period, also had similar tattoos on their lower abdomen (Bianchi 1988:22). This group of woman represents an exclusive group of Egyptians who received tattoos in that time period, because there is no other evidence that shows tattoos to be a part of the Egyptian culture until the time of the Middle Kingdom. These abstract patterns associated with ritualistic tattooing survived into the New Kingdom. The Egyptians, more then likely, borrowed a form of tattooing from the Nubian civilization. Unlike the Nubians, whose purpose for tattooing is unknown, â€Å"the Egyptians appear to have regarded the tattoo as one of several vehicles by which the procreative powers of the deceased could be revived† (Bianchi 1988:27). Substantiation proposes that only women were associated with the decorating of their bodies and the ritualistic activities that went along with it. The art of tattooing began with the grouping of bluish or black dots and/or dashes forming abstract geometric patterns; that system of body art lasted for over two thousand years in ancient Egypt. Just like other ideas and goods, the idea of tattooing began to travel to several different societies, and has evolved into extremely different forms of art all over the world. In northeastern Zambia, the Tabwa â€Å"once covered themselves from head to foot with scarification† (Roberts 1988:41). The women of the Tabwa began receiving elaborate marks on their face, chest, and backs when they were young girls; it sometimes was continued at other points in a woman’s life (Roberts 1988:43) such as courting rituals and for woman wishing to bear a child. Male sculptors would trace designs and make incisions on the lesser intimate parts of the body; they left the rest for the women to do. ‘Tabwa women used razors to slit skin [that had been] plucked up with a fishhook or arrowhead. These incisions were then rubbed with soot from a pot bottom, an irritant that produced the desired raised cicatrices† (Roberts 1988:44). There were several reasons that this tradition was done, different to every age and gender in the tribe. Young women went through this process in order to achieve a state of perfection, which was required for those wanting to marry and have children (Roberts 1988:45). Scarification is a form of body art that was used in several tribes because according to their customs â€Å"beauty is not physically innate, but rather a function of the girl’s inscriptions† (Roberts 1988:45). Not only the Tabwa, scarification was used in such tribes as the Ga’anda and the Tiv; all the tribes have distinctly different purposes for doing this, but the process and effect of the body are the same. Another form of body art is body painting, which the people of the Southeast Nuba begin at a young age; but the meanings, and time frame from when they begin decorating the body are very different between males and females. The males paint themselves from the ages of 12 to 27 (Faris 1988:31). Typically, they only paint during the down time after the harvest season and before the next years planting begins. This is the time that the males are less involved in mandatory and productive activities; they spend their supplementary time with festive activities such as dance and sport participation. The restrictions placed on the men by their age, most importantly deal with the color that they use on their body—for example â€Å" only the older age groups are eligible to use the greatest elaboration in color, including the deep black and yellow [colors, that are] prohibited to younger grades†(Faris 1988:32). The change in elaboration allowed on the body does not coincide with any physiological changes, rather, it corresponds with changes â€Å"in productive status or sport† (Faris 1988:32). As they move up in grades from young laborers that answer to the elders, to mature men that own their own property, farm and family, their elaborate painting ability increases. The elders though, do not decorate their bodies; rather, they delegate and lead rituals for the younger men and enforce the rules of allowed color use. Therefore, the male body painting shows their progression thru ones life stages. The women of Southeast Nuba, â€Å"from the age of six years, until consummation of marriage, oil and ochre [their bodies] daily, in colors [that are] appropriate to their patri-clan section† (Faris 1988:34). After childbirth, they may continue to wear some oil and ochre on their shoulders. The personal body art of women is strictly related to the physiological changes that occur as a women goes through life, and are fixed around body scarification as a way of showing her changes. A woman’s scarification is so important, that â€Å"if a husband refuses to pay for a scarring specialist, a woman may seek a lover who will do so, and her first marriage will end† (Faris 1988:35). Unlike the males elaborate body art, a woman’s body art is simple, but it accumulates over her life-span and is very standardized, while a male’s body art is constantly changing. Body painting, tattooing and scarification thus far had been tools used by individuals to beautify their body and elevate their status within their tribe; this is not the case with all societies. In several other cultures, tattoos have been used in a form of branding, which is quite the opposite. Though tattooing and branding are â€Å"similar in that both involve the insertion of pigments under the skin to create permanent marks†, branding is implemented in order to lower an individuals status, to punish for crimes committed, to identify slaves, but most importantly, to eliminate personal identity (Schildkrout 2004:323). â€Å"The immutable alteration of human skin by branding needs to be considered in relation to, but ought not be confused with, tattooing† (Bianchi 1988:27). Two recent studies originating in South Africa elaborate on this subject, reporting on the political influence of tattooing â€Å"as a means of social control† (Schildkrout 2004:330). They site examples from Zambia in which a medical practitioner travels around to villages â€Å"in which witch craft accusations have been common†¦to inoculate people against people against witch craft† (Schildkrout 2004:331). The villagers would â€Å"submit to bodily inspections†, they were then treated â€Å"by getting numbers tattooed on their arms† (Schildkrout 2004:331). This is disturbingly reminiscent of Nazi concentration camps when an unfathomable number of Jewish people lost their personal identities and became known as only a number in the system to be disposed of. This â€Å"symbolic denial of personhood† served as a system â€Å"of control and surveillance† (Schildkrout 2004:323). This system of control was also imposed by â€Å"authoritarian regimes† in Southeast Asia (Schildkrout 2004:323). The Zhou and Ming Dynasties branded criminals as a form of punishment with â€Å"extensive, often full-body tattoos, with elaborate pictorial imagery as well as written inscriptions† (Schildkrout 2004:324) portraying their crime. This form of tattooing is definitely contrary to traditional methods. Similarly in Brazil, branding was used to mark convicts by the penal authorities. Penal tattoos derived their power from subjugation of the marked convicts. The humiliation of being visibly branded was a significant component of the convict’s punishment. In an act of resistance, those that had been branded â€Å"were known to reclaim their bodies by writing over the inscriptions or by displaying them in new social situations† (Schildkrout 2004:324). The branded, therefore, became the empowered, restoring the function of the tattoo to being personally-motivated. This personal motivation is perhaps most notable in Western cultures, specifically North America. In America, the Native Americans used body painting in many ways, usually connected with ethnic identity, social roles or marital status (Rubin 1988:179). The Natives also used the body as a canvas in ritualistic ceremonies, on warriors going into battle and for the beautification of their women. When the Europeans discovered America, they brought with them slaves from Africa and they introduced branding of the slaves into the American culture. After the civil war, when the slaves had been freed, branding was still embedded in American culture through groups of people including gang members and convicts. Though â€Å"branding is often associated with involuntary marking and the denial of personhood†, it has also â€Å"been adopted in contemporary Western body culture as an assertion of group identity, for example in college fraternities† (Schildkrout 2004:323). Tattoos were also prevalent in other parts of America, including Alaska. Among the Eskimos â€Å"[t]he function of these art forms [was] – essentially manifesting one’s place or role within the hierarchy of hunting life† (Gritton 1988:190). With the introduction and adaptation of the western civilization in Alaskan culture, â€Å"the marks of a hunter or hunter’s wife served no purpose in their new lives and were understandably abandoned† (Gritton 1988:190). The function of body art and tattooing has been Americanized, evolving from its native origins to incorporate self expression. This self expression has mushroomed from a manor of identifying oneself to a way of gaining attention through shock value. Though ever-changing, all forms of body art mentioned play enormous roles in the lives of people. Certain non-Western cultures are based around the ability to use skin as a visible way of defining status or bettering their self-image, in order to attract companions. So the artists who are allowed to perform the act of adorning bodies with different designs are regarded as having a very important place in the society. They are â€Å"scarring specialist† (Faris 1988:35), â€Å"body artists† (Drewal 1988:84), but most importantly, they are known as â€Å"[the] one-who-creates- art† (Drewal 1988:84). In the non-Native American culture, however, the general attitude towards tattoo artist in present-day American culture is less than appreciative. Extreme critics even characterize tattooist as opportunist, exclusively seeking monetary gain (Sanders 1988:229). â€Å"The tattooist interest in artistry and control is often in conflict with his profit orientation†, revealing the major flaw within the American society (Sanders 1988:229). This is the major difference in western and non-western cultures. Body tattoos in western society are an object to be purchased. Americans obtain tattoos in the same manner that they acquire a new Louis Vuitton handbag. They purchase them as accessories, which is in stark contrast to the non-western cultures, who acquire tattoos as an essential ritual in their society. With this is mind, the process in which American’s purchases body art seems slightly ridiculous. Tattoo artists often complain of the unwillingness of customers to spend the quoted amount of money for â€Å"a tattoo [they] are going to wear for the rest of [their] life† (Sanders 1988:229). It is more acceptable in American culture to invest in short term materialistic purchases, therefore the legitimate tattoo artists are constantly being monitored and regimented under strict laws imposed by the government. Despite the absurdity of the purchasing process, the reasoning that propels the American society to obtain tattoos is just as flawed. Some reasons people give to explain permanently marking their skin include, â€Å"they were drunk, it’s a macho thing, to fit in with a crowd or even worse, for no reason at all† (DeMello 1995:42). Western society seems to have a complete disregard for the spiritual origins of body art. Tattoo artist are even witness to clients’ apathy, avoiding â€Å"working on people who are obviously under the influence of alcohol† (Sanders 1988:225). Where once there was a ceremonious celebration deeply rooted in spiritualism, in American society the only ritualistic ceremony is the receiving of a piece of paper on how to care for the recently acquired body art. This apathetic attitude of Americans is perhaps derived from the renouncing majority of the population. This bias stems from â€Å"very early ‘regulations’ [including] Moses’ remarks in Leviticus 19:28 forbidding any cuttings in the flesh or the printing of any marks† (Armstrong 2005:39). Since tattoos â€Å"were not sanctioned by the church† the profile for the tattooed archetype became unconventional (Schildkrout 2004:325). Christian belief has been adapted to the masses, forcing those who are tattooed into rebellion. The majority of people adopting body art include â€Å"bikers, convicts, and other ‘low lives’† (DeMello 1995:40). In Western society â€Å"the idea that the unmarked body as a sign of God’s work was linked to the Protestant reformation† and â€Å"the idea that body markings were a sign of savagery goes back even earlier† ( Schildkrout 2004:324). This is ironic considering tattoos in earlier cultures signified positions of high status. Perhaps the only entity that ties these drastic cultures together is the desire to increase their inherited beauty. â€Å"If the body is – metaphorically – a site of inscription to various degrees for various theorist, then cosmetic surgery can be seen, at one level, as an example of the literal and explicit enactment of this process of inscription† ( Schildkrout 2004:320), which is also seen in the aforementioned tribes with the rituals of scarification. DeMello also agrees that along with tattooing and piericing, that cosmetic surgery is seen as a form of â€Å"body modification† (DeMello 1995:37). â€Å"Not only does the tattooed skin negotiate between the individual and society and between different social groups, but also mediates relations between persons and spirits, the human and the divine† (Schildkrout 2004:321). Body art is a tradition that extends throughout the barriers of the world and although the forms in which they are found may be different, the idea of using your body as a canvas is universal. Although recently, several anthropologists agreed and have begun to examine body art more closely, looking at it â€Å"as a microcosm of society† (Schildkrout 2004:328), Roberts still believes that â€Å"there can be no ultimate explanation of symbolism† (Roberts 1988:51). He claims that â€Å"the blazes on trees in the Ndembu forest will remain many years after their purpose and meaning are forgotten. So it is with other inscriptions† (Roberts 1988:51). This is exemplified in the woman who endured the agonizing pain of her scarification to instigate a new chapter in her life. Nevertheless, soon after her body is placed into the ground, her skin will no longer be a visible indication of who she once was. She will become a memory and her body will no longer be used as a canvas.

Banking Regulation Example For Free - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 11 Words: 3208 Downloads: 5 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Finance Essay Type Cause and effect essay Tags: Banking Essay Did you like this example? Banking regulation originates from microeconomic concerns over the ability of bank creditors depositors to monitors the risks originating on the lending side and from micro and macroeconomic concerns over the stability of the banking system in the case of bank crisis.In addition to statutory and administrative regulatory provisions,the banking sector has been subject to widespread informal regulation,i.e the governments use of its discretion,outside formalized legislation,to influence banking sector outcomes (for example,to bail out insolvent banks,decide on bank mergers or maintain significant State ownership) (Bonn,2005) Financial institution refers to an institution which deals with financial transaction such as investment,loans and deposits.Financial institutions constist of units such as banks,trust companies,insurance companies and investment dealers.These units which form financial institutions acts as channel between savers and borrowers of funds.Financ ial regulations are simply laws and rules which supervise financial institutions,as it happens all people depend on services offered by financial institution,it is imperative that they are regulated highly by the government.For example if a financial institution were to enter into bankruptcy as a result of controversial matters,this will no doubt cause panic and havoc as people start to question safety of their finances. Also this loss of confidence may have negative impact on the economy. Of all the financial institutions,banks is heavily regulated.Prevention of financial crisis may act as a major reason,while consumer protection may tall under minor reason.However bank regulations is unusual compared to another types of regulation as there is no wide agreement on what kind of market failures justifies regulation.Banks in one form or another have been subject to the following non exhaustive list of regulatory provisions:restrictions on branching and new entry,restrictions on pri cing (interest rate controls and other controls on prices or fees),line of business restrictions and regulation on ownership linkage among financial institutions,restrictions on portfolio of assets that banks can hold (such as requirements to hold certain types of securities or requirements and/or not to hold other securities,including requirements not to hold the control of non financial companies),compulsory deposit insurance (or informal deposit insurance,in the form of an expectation that government will bail out depositors in the event of insolvency),capital adequacy requirements,reserve requirements (requirements to hold a certain quantity of the liabilities of the central bank),requirements to direct credit to favored sectors or enterprises (in the form of either formal rules or informal government pressure),expectations that in the event of difficulty,banks will receive assistance in the form of lender of last resort,special rules concerning mergers (not always subject to co mpetition standard) or failing banks (e.g liquidation,winding up,insolvency,composition or analogous proceedings in the banking sector),other rules affecting cooperation within the banking sector (e.g with respect to payment systems).(Bonn.2005) Consider an overview of regulatory reform in banking:In early 70s financial systems were characterized by important restrictions on market forces which included controls on the prices or quantities of business conducted by financial institutions,restrictions on market access and in some cases controls on the allocation of finance amongst alternative borrowers.These regulatory restrictions served a number of social and economic policy objectives of governments.Direct controls were used in many countries to allocate finance to preferred industries during the post-war period:restrictions on markets access and competition were partly motivated by concern for financial stability;protection of small savers with limited financial knowledge was a n important objective of controls on banks and controls on banks were frequently used as instruments of macroeconomic management. This significant process of regulatory reforms in the financial systems of most countries has involved partial or complete liberalization of the following: Interest rate controls,-until the early 1970s controls on borrowings and lending rates were pervasive in most countries.These control typically held both rates below their free-market levels. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Banking Regulation Example For Free" essay for you Create order As a result banks rationed credit to privileged borrowers. By 1990 only a handful of countries retained these controls. Quantitative investment restrictions on financial institutitons:-this include requirements to hold government securities, credit allocation rules, required lending to favored institutions and controls on the total volume of credit expansion. Compulsory holdings of government securities as well as having a prudential justification,also acted as a disguised form of taxation in that it allowed governments to keep security yields artificially low, with some exceptions these controls were largely eliminated by the early 1990s. Line of business restrictions and regulations linkages among financial institutions,-although these restrictions still in place in many countries,the role of these restrictions has been significantly eroded or in some cases,entirely eliminated.For example,the separation of savings and loans and commercial banks has been largely eliminated in many countries as has the distinction between long-term and short-term credit institutions in Italy and the legal separation of various types of credit suppliers in Japan.Bank branching restrictions were phased out in a number of European countries by early 1990s.In the US breaking down the barriers imposed by the (1933) Glass-Steagall Act the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Financial Services Modernization act of 1999 permits banks,securities firms and insurance companies to affiliate within a new structure-the financial holding company Restrictions on the entry of foreign financial institutions,-there has been significant liberalization of cross-border access to foreign banks.In particular,there are now in place a number of international agreements on trade in banking services,including GATS,NAFTA and the EC.In particular in the European Union,the second banking directives (89/646/EEC) forbade the obligation for banks established in one Member State to seek authorization from other Member States when they intended to establish a branch in their territory.In many countries however the entry of foreign banks is still made more difficult than that of domestic ones. Controls on international capital movements and foreign exchange transactions,-liberalization of controls on capital movements is now virtually complete in OECD countries and in many developing countries as well.Some controls remain on long-term capital movements,particularly with respect to foreign ownership of real estate and foreign direct investment.There also remain important restrictions on international portfolio diversification by pension and insurance funds. Regulatory reform has raised efficiency and lowered costs in the financial services sector,First the removal of regulatory restrictions gave financial firms more freedom to adopt the most efficient practices and to develop new products and services.Second,regulatory reform increased the role of competition,which in turn spurred reductions i n margins in financial services and raised efficiency by forcing the exit or consolidation of relatively inefficient firms and by encouraging innovation. This has further more contributed to,declining relative prices for financial services and productivity growth well in excess of that for the economy as a whole,considerable improvements in the quality,variety and access to new financial instruments and services,improved world allocation of resources due to the removal of the barriers to international capital flows and a significant improvements in growth performance in a number of developing countries.(Bonn,2005) As a result of the above,banks have been the most highly regulated financial institutions through the following;- Deposit insurance:Deposit insurance is a guarantee that all or part of a depositors debt with a bank will be honored in the event of bankruptcy.The specific form of insurance schemes can vary in a number of ways,including the fee structure (flat fee versus variable,risk-related fees);the degree of coverage (full versus partial coverage,maximum limits);funding provisons (funded versus unfunded systems);public versus private solutions;compulsory versus voluntary participation. Deposit insurance reduces (and in most cases eliminates entirely) the incentive to run on the bank in the event of financial difficulty.Therefore it reduces the possibility that a temporary situation of illiquidity and rumors on the insolvency of the bank actually lead to the failure of the bank.Furthermore,deposit insurance prevents the chain reaction that can also be started associated by the run on a single bank,so that it reduces the possibility of contagion in the banking system. Capital adequacy req uirements:One regulation which exists in most countries is some form of capital adequacy requirements.Capital adequacy requirements can take a variety of forms.Most countries know a minimum level of required capital (an absolute amount).Beyond that,many countries require the maintenance of some capital-or solvency-ratio;that is a minimum ratio between capital and an overall balance sheet magnitude,such as total assets or liabilities,or some weighted measure of risk assets. This capital-adequacy may have some difficulties either with technological advances,innovation in financial products is rapid.regulations in contrast,might be changed not sufficiently frequently and only catch upwith current developments or in some cases the adaptation of new financial products is hindered by lagging regulatory developments,delaying and stifling the pace of innovation.(Bonn,2005) Lender of last resort:In most countries the central bank or the governments have an explicit (or implicit) policy of providing assistance to banks facing financial difficulties These lender of last resort interventions should be strictly limited to illiquid banks,easing only very temporary liquidity problems faced by banks (Emergency Liquidity Assistance),not extending also to help insolvent banks.In fact,whenever the lender of last resort assist insolvent banks,its intervention has the same consequences of a flat-rate unfunded deposit insurance,giving banks a strong incentives extend across the financial system,the macroeconomic consequences can be severe.(Bonn,2005) Capital requirements and asset restrictions:This explains how higher capital for banks(net worth) allows banks to protect themselves against bad loans and investments.(Philip,et al,2010)On capital,Basel III proposes significant changes to the composition of Tier 1 capital;risk weights,especially in trading books and changes in capital ratios.Basel III proposes many new capital,leverage and liquidity standards to strengthen the regulation,supervision and risk management of the banking sector.The capital standards and new capital buffers will require banks to hold more capital and higher quality of capital than under current Basel III rules.The new leverage ratio introduces a non-risk based measure to supplement the risk-based minimum capital requirements.The new liquidity ratios ensure that adequate funding is maintained in case of crisis.By preventing a bank from holding (too many)risky assets,asset restrictions reduce risky investments. Reserve requirements:Banks are historically required to maintain some deposits on reserve at the central bank in case of emergencies.Required reserve ensures that banks hold a certain proportion of high quality,liquid assets.In the days of the gold standard,banks might hold gold,either directly or with another bank as backing for deposits received or notes issued,but reserves cover could only be partial if banks were to conduct any lending business funded by deposi ts.This structure of partial reserve cover is sometimes referred to as fractional banking,banks held reserve assets equivalent to a fraction of their liabilities,particularly short-term liabilities,where outflows could happen most rapidly and liquidity cover was most important. Bank supervision:This provides the banks with regular monitoring and supervision by official authorities may prevent banks from engaging in risky activities.Also disclosure requirements to reduce asymmetric information problems.It also examine the conditions of banks and their compliance with laws and regulations,bank regulation includes issuing specific regulations and guidelines to govern the operations,activities and acquisitions of banking organizations. Conclusion The most important rationale for regulation in banking is to address concerns over the safely and stability of financial institutions the financial sector as a whole or the payments system.It is to avoid the highly negative consequences for the economy of widespread bank failures,it is also to prevent financial crises. (Bonn,2005)There are three policies considered as the most standard instruments of bank regulation:deposit insurance,capital adequacy requirements and lender of last resort.Deposit insurance protects the smallest depositors from a bank bankruptcy and prevents bank runs.Capital adequacy requirements are necessary in order to make sure that bank managers follow a responsible credit policy,in the absence of an effective control on the part of depositors.Lender of last resort policies further reduce the risk of banks bankruptcies providing banks with Emergency Liquidity Assistance facilities that are designed to avoid that temporary situation of illiquidity lead to th e insolvency of the bank. The following are the specific problems of bank regulation encountered in emerging markets:- Difficulties in Bank Supervision:Banks engage in information-intensive activities and their profitability also hinges on keeping that information private.This information asymmetry between banks and other economic agency such as borrowers,lenders and regulators can give rise to various problems.For example,information asymmetry between the bank on one side and borrower and lenders on the other hand can result in bank runs and subject banks to contagion type problems.Moreover in countries where government guarantees exist,regulations alone have proved to be insufficient to control bank behavior.(Ralph Chami,et al 2003) Difficulties in Deposit Insurance:Deposit insurance as its names implies,provides a guarantee that certain types of bank liability are convertible into cash even if banks are insolvent,thus offering consumer protection and depending on coverage removing the incentive for runs on solvent banks by uninformed depositors.To avoid insuring all of the system (including w holesale depositors who should not suffer from severe information asymmetries),there are usually limits to coverage. The problem encountered in deposit insurance is in the case of large banks judged too big to failall depositors may be paid off unlike the lender of last resort,deposit insurance can not be used at the regulators discretion,which thus aggravates agency problems; and workable means of relating premier to risk, and thus preventing an implicit subsidy to shareholders;have proved difficult to devise instead they are usually flat fees related to the size of balance sheets. A drawback of its introduction is however the fact itself that from the point of view of the depositor,deposit insurance makes all banks equally attractive.It almost completely removes the incentive on the depositor to determine the risk of a bank and the need for the bank to compensate the depositor for bearing bank-specific risk by including bank-specific risk premium in the interest paid to the depositor.Similarly,the depositor faces little incentive to diversify her portfolio of assets held in banks.(Bonn,2005) All of these my lead to severe moral hazard problems;in particular,when a bank does not bear the consequences,either via cost of funds or deposit insurance premier of increasing portfolio risk or reducing capital,it has incentives to pursue such policies beyond the point it would otherwise,financed by higher interest rates on deposit than can safely be sustained.A response in some countries is to restrict deposit insurance coverage severely,so it effectively only becomes a partial protection for small retail depositors.This include a degree of monitoring and market discipline by wholesale depositors.However,the effectiveness of such monitoring will be limited if there is imperfect information-thus implying a need for adequate disclosure standards as a complement to limited deposit insurance (Davis,1993) Capital requirements and Asset restrictions:Capital requ irement is more difficult internationally due to the reason that different assets have different characteristics.According to Darryl Biggaret al,2005 report on an increasing role for competition in the regulation of banks capital adequacy requirements do have certain difficulties: First,it is difficult to design capital-adequacy requirements in a sufficiently sophisticated way.For example even though the 1988 Basel rules on capital adequacy for banks categorizes assets and assigned a risk-weighting inevitably differences in risk were overlooked between individual assets.One consequence was that banks intended to search for the most risky assets within a risk class,encouraging banks to go up the yield curve in pursuit of a return on capital.In effect,the moral hazard problem re-emerged within the constraints of each regulatory risk class. A particular problem can arise with inter-bank lending.If inter-bank lending is treated favourably for capital-adequacy purposes in order to promote the liquidity on the market,banks may persevely be given incentives to lead other banks in difficulty,increasing the risk of contagion and removing one of the more important disciplines on bank risk-taking.Rapid technological advances and innovation in financial products. In order to recognize these problems of capital requirement,Basel Accord was modified in 2004 by introducing more sophisticated ways of computing capital requirements and increasing the focus on risk-management policies and systems in banks. Non existence of international lender of last resort:In most countries the Central bank or the government has an explicit or implicit policy of providing assistance to banks facing financial difficulties. According to EP Davis (2005),Lender of last resort is defined as an institution usually a central bank,which has the ability to produce at its discretion currency or high powered money to support institutions facing liquidity difficulties.Lender of last resort always is strictly to limited illiquid banks,easing only very temporary liquidity problems faced by banks and not extending to help insolvency banks. Lender of last resort increases moral hazards for banks to take on too much risk for example banks may ask assistance from central bank when they are illiquid,but when they obtain the fund they may invest it in a risk investment.Another problem is differing levels of deposit insurance that may put asymmetric burden on lender of last resort. Existence of non-bank financial institutions:Non-bank financial institutions are institutions which resemble banks in many aspects,i.e savings and loans,credit unions,investment and merchant banks,Islamic banks and industrial banks.Due to the rapid growth of this non-bank institutions,the problem of regulating banks has become so difficulty because banks are trying to engage themselves I those non-banking activities inorder to retain customers.For example in Tanzania,CRDB Bank has affiliated with Vodacom on M-Pesa Services. Most of these non-bank financial institutions lack regulations and supervision therefore there is no assurance for customers,due to lack of legal enforcement.Non-bank financial institutions lack the most significant regulation of banks such as supervision,capital adequacy requirements,restriction on bank holdings and restrictions on large exposures. Complications of financial derivatives and securitized assets: According to (John Cox et al, 2010) securitization is the process when an asset is converted into marketable security.Due to this process during financial crisis it can lead to a major problem because both regulators and private sectors are unable to assess the financial risk and the complexity of the instrument, since it is difficult for the bank to evaluate the risk involved in the securitized instrument adequately. Conclusion In conclusion on the problems of bank regulations encountered in emerging markets we can take a look on bank supervision,deposit insurance and lender of last resort which are the most problems facing bank regulations that need more attention. We have seen all of these problems, finally led banks to commit moral hazards, therefore strong measures need to be taken on how to reduce or eliminate moral hazards as a final product of these problems. This can be done through strong monitoring, transparency and disclosure of all bank activities, currently updates of bank regulations according to economic reforms.