When Someone Hugs You Never Be The First To Let Go Essays

When Someone Hugs You Never Be The First To Let Go About this time last year, my best friend was diagnosed with a serious kidney disease; one that if not treated could be fatal. She had been perfectly healthy until about a week before. Her disease was one that she had been born with, but was inactive ntil it was triggered. No one is sure what triggered it. I remember the day I found out as if it were yesterday. I was sitting on my couch waiting for a phone call to tell me everything was OK. I was kind of dozing off when I heard a knock at my front door. I opened my door to reveal my grief-strickened friend. She stood on my front porch quivering, half from the cold and half from fright. Her eyes were bloodshot and her glitter eye-makeup was mixed with tears to form tiny, glittery rivers that ran down her cheeks. Instantly I was paralyzed by fear. I began to ask a million questions, half of which were probably not understandable because I was trembling. She managed to stammer out something about a disease and how she could die. As I stood there watching my friend crumble into nothing, cold, salty tears began to roll down my cheeks. I knelt beside her and threw my arms around her. We sat on my porch hugging each other for what seemed like hours. Finally she let go and we began to talk. My friend has been in many horrible situations that I couldn't make all right. The only way I can help is to open my arms and offer a shoulder to cry on and a hug. I make sure that I am never the first one to let go when I hug a friend. I feel that en my friend feels better she will let go and I will have done my job as a friend. Never be the first one to let go. By holding on, you're telling your friend that you're there. Hug your friends as much as you can. Show them you truly love them and en a hard time comes they will be there with open arms for you. Creative Writing

Discussing The Amount Of People That Have Disabilities Social Work Essays

Discussing The Amount Of People That Have Disabilities Social Work Essays Discussing The Amount Of People That Have Disabilities Social Work Essay Discussing The Amount Of People That Have Disabilities Social Work Essay However, disablement rights and the disablement dimension of broader equality and human rights are merely get downing to derive acknowledgment on legislative act books and in tribunal judgements. Whilst these rights are immature both as legal and academic constructs, the demand to beef up and intensify our apprehension of the disablement docket is pressing. The new statute law, grants people sing disablements entree to public- , and private-sector employment, edifices, transit, and communications services, all which are seen as important dimensions in disablement equality. In making this, it equates favoritism against people sing disablements with favoritism based on gender, race, or faith. This statute law recognised people sing disablements as a minority group meriting equal protection under the jurisprudence. The Disability Act assumes that human-made environments are the primary beginning of disability. Such environments are informally and officially shaped and defined by plans, policies, course of study, architectural programs, and other miscellaneous patterns. What is Disability? Disability is a contested, complex thought. It covers a broad spectrum of medically defined damages and the societal, environmental and economic obstructions to full enjoyment of social inclusion that are associated with them. Damages linked to disability scope from terrible to minor restraints on mobility, sight, hearing, address and acquisition, and include mental unwellnesss every bit good as physical conditions. The differentiation between the medical and societal theoretical account of disablement arose out of the unfavorable judgments of the ICIDH theoretical account by people who were active in administrations and motions that aimed to procure basic civil rights for people with disablements. An early alteration to the ICIDH theoretical account emphasized the demand to see disability as emerging out of external factors that interact with disease/impairment/disability. One effort to depict these factors made mention to the physical environment, the societal state of affairs to the individual and the resources available to them ( Bradley 1987 ) . In a more recent part, Verbrugge A ; Jette ( 1994 ) provided a more luxuriant categorization, including both personal and environmental factors in the procedure which links impairment/disability and their results. The importance of these factors is that they provide avenues for intercession that aim to better the quality of life of individuals so affected. In response to unfavorable judgment of the original ICIDH theoretical account, a more comprehensive alteration has late been developed by the World Health Organisation ( Halbertsma et al 2000 ) . This is called the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health known as ICF ( WHO 1999 ) . This has moved off from being a consequence of disease theoretical account, to a components of wellness theoretical account. Its cardinal constituents are body constructions and maps and damages in construction of map ; activities, which are undertakings or activities undertaken by a individual and troubles or restrictions an person may hold in put to deathing those activities ; and engagement, which consists of engagement in life state of affairss in the context of where an single lives. Engagement limitations are jobs a individual may see with regard to involvement in life state of affairss. Each of these constituents are relationships between them are influenced by the conte xtual factors ; that is, personal and environmental factors. This strategy attempts to incorporate the medical and societal theoretical accounts of disablement into broader biopsychosocial theoretical account that gives due acknowledgment to the significance of the environment in act uponing operation and overall wellness and wellbeing. Medical theoretical account of disablement Looking at the medical theoretical account of disablement, it is rooted in an undue accent on clinical diagnosing, the really nature of which it is destined to take to partial and suppressing position of the handicapped person. The medical theoretical account of disablement, up until late, was seen as the dominant paradigm of disablement, and described the norms that have traditionally governed disablement in Western society. It relies on normative classs of handicapped and non-disabled and presumes that a individual s disablement is a personal, medical job, necessitating but an individualized medical solution ; that people who have disablements face no group job caused by society or that societal policy should be used to better. The medical theoretical account views the physiological status itself as a job. In other words, the person is the venue of disablement. Even those with disablements have sometimes adopted this position. This theoretical account is necessary in finding medicine, although, we need much more so the medical facts in order to understand disablement. Understood merely as a biological trait, disablement leaves the person in demand of physiological aid to rectify the effects of the disablement. Under the medical theoretical account, people with disablements are frequently characterised as holding single properties of incapacity and dependance. Consequently, given the position of disablement as an person job, appropriate aid is understood either as rehabilitation attempts to enable the person to get the better of the effects of the disablement, or medical attempts to happen a remedy for the person. Either manner, the focal point is on the person and how they can get the better of their status. The medical theoretical account has the capacity to break up the disablement community by emphasizing the single physiological traits that differentiate handicapped individuals, instead than the common social obstructions that unite them. Under the medical theoretical account, people with disablements are frequently typecast into one of two functions: the pathetic posting kid or the inspirational supercrip. Under the pathetic posting kid function, handicapped persons are seen as objects of pity- childlike and in demand of charity. The contrasting, alternate function to the posting kid is the supercrip . If a handicapped individual is unable to presume a cute and childly function in society, the outlook is for that individual to be a supercrip and get the better of their disablement through their ain brave attempts. A supercrip is a handicapped individual, normally sympathetic, who has a epic narrative of trying to get the better of their disablement. In contract to the medical theoretical account, which we can see images illness as a mechanical malfunction or microbiological invasion, Parsons described the ill function as a impermanent, medically sanctioned signifier of aberrant behavior. This thought of the ill function has generated a batch of utile far-reaching research. Arguably, it still has a function in the cross-cultural comparing of ways in which time-out from normal responsibilities can be achieved or in which aberrant behavior may be explained and excused. Although this is true to state, the theoretical account does non exaime how being ill or in this instance disabled, does non automatically take to being a patient. Eliot Freidson has pointed out that people frequently rely on ballad sentiments and advice as to whether or non a professional audience is appropriate. He besides does nt admit that being a patient does non ever affect being ill. For illustration, a wheelchair user my be absolutely wellness saloon the fact they have no map of their legs. Alsojuxtaposed with the medical theoretical account of disablement is the societal theoretical account. The societal theoretical account Given the sweep of its protagonists, no one restatement of the societal theoretical account will cover every reading. In short, under this theoretical account, disablement is redefined as a societal construct- a type of multi-faceted social oppressions- and distinguished from the physiological impression of damage. In this context, being disabled depends upon divergence from society s building of corporeal normalcy. Furthermore, the experience of being a handicapped individual consists mostly of brushs with the many barriers erected by society- physical, institutional, and attitudinal- that inhibit full engagement in mainstream life. One consequence of the societal theoretical account is that the experience of disablement is non built-in or inevitable given a peculiar medical status ; instead, it depends upon the peculiar societal context in which one lives and maps. Upon speculating that the primary disadvantages associated with disablement are societal constructions and patterns, the claim that society has some duty to rectify the disadvantage may follow more of course. Consequently, whereas the medical manner facilitates medical solutions to set the person to suit society, the societal theoretical account focal points on seting the societal environment to fit persons. Social modelists do non disregard the function of physiology in bring forthing disablement under the rubric of damage. It must be taken into consideration when it comes to supplying entree or adjustments through architectural alterations. However, the cardinal claim under the societal theoretical account is that disablement is, by definition, wholly a societal concept. Johnson ( 1989 ) writes that, as a individual sing disablements, she feels she must endeavor to be normal in order to be personally Okay. Ed Murphy, quoted in Bogan and Taylor ( 1976 ) , observes that If you are considered mentally retarded, there is no manner you can win ( p.49 ) . Both of these persons have articulated a belief that they have, in some manner or ways, failed to run into the outlook of society. They believe that they have been perceived as limited in their operation and are themselves the beginning of the restriction. The orientation to disablement that Johnson and Murphy personify is normally referred to in the literature of particular instruction and disablement policy as the functional-limitation theoretical account ( Hahn, 1985 ) . Hahn ( 1988 ) traces this prevalent orientation to disablement to the Enlightenment and as experiential anxiousness stemming from a fright of going disabled coupled with an aesthetic anxiousness linked to a fright of the disturbing or unpleasant. Hahn is supported in this place by Foucault ( 1961/1965 ) , who links perceptual experiences of disablement to the European disappearing of Hansens disease in the late medieval period. This resulted in the transference of a negative perceptual experience of lazars to people with disablements in general. Foucault besides argues that the application of the medical theoretical account to disablement that occurred in the Renaissance contributed to a position of disablement as built-in in people and as a status that was pote ntially curable through intervention. Functional restrictions could therefore be seen as rehabilitative or remediable and non needfully dependent on environmental factors. The branchings of the functional-limitations orientation to disablement, and its negative consequence on how people sing disablements are perceived by others, are good documented in the literature. Through this orientation, disablements have been linked to results and potentially stereotyped perceptual experiences of the individual sing disablements. For illustration, shortages in cognitive development are routinely linked with an false enjoyment of insistent undertakings or obfuscation by excessively much stimulation ( Clements A ; Clements, 1984 ) . Hearing damages promote self-consciousness and deter speaking ( Clements A ; Clements, 1984 ) . Physical damages will falsify a kid s organic structure image ( Uhlin A ; DeChiara, 1984 ) . Disabilities will take to disconnectedness from the environment ( Lowenfeld, 1957 ) . Hahn ( 1985 ) establishes a direct nexus between a functional-limitation orientation to popular perceptual experiences of a individual s capacity for employment a nd quality of life. It is of import to province that at no point in a strictly functional-limitations attack is there a consideration that disablement may be a consequence of environmental failure. Environments are non to any great extent adapted to people. Peoples must endeavor, sometimes with aid of remedial and rehabilitative instruction, to accommodate to environments in the pursuit for an abstract normalcy. The critics of the functional-limitations orientation to disablement believe this orientation has contributed to a assortment of societal jobs facing kids, young person, and grownups who are sing disablements. Segregated life infinites, sterilization, denial of kid detention, lodging favoritism, unaccessible vote topographic points, and the denial of jury responsibility are platitude ( Asch, 1986 ) . Differences between societal and medical theoretical account The argument on public assistance cogently illustrates the difference between the medical and societal theoretical accounts of disablement. The medical theoretical account of disablement is kindred to a signifier of conservative antiwelfare political orientation, which located the job in the person. This political orientation is typically illustrated through claims that the individual merely needs to acquire a occupation or halt being lazy. Similarly, when people individualise disablement, as do public assistance conservativists, they overlook the possibility that disablement is a group job. Conversely, the societal theoretical account of disablement shifts the venue of duty for the jobs disabled people face from the persons themselves to their inhospitable environments. Interestingly, the medical position of disablement bases in blunt contrast to how other signifiers of favoritism are typically viewed. For illustration, the huge bulk of people believe that the jobs harassing racial minorities, adult females and homophiles stem non from these groups physiological lower status, but from societal favoritism. Discrimination against these groups is considered irrational by most ; few effort to warrant favoritism against any of these groups as acceptable. Yet many people seem to see favoritism against handicapped people as rational- the consequence of their ain organic structures deficiencies- and distinguishable from other signifiers of favoritism. The consequence is that even people who avoid other signifiers of favoritism may be disposed to rationalize disablement favoritism. Criticisms Although some critical disablement theoreticians argue for an attachment to the societal theoretical account ( Shakespeare 1997b, Ward 1997 ) , a theoretical theoretical account should move as a lens to sharpen 1s believing, non as a set of flashers to curtail thoughts and enforce conformance. Stone ( 2001 p.51 ) suggested that using the societal theoretical account of disablement as an analytical model is non the same as utilizing it as a design . One contention reflects a belief that the corporal experience of disablement ( Toombs 1995 ) and the frustrating and oppressive facets of damage ( Barnes A ; Mercer 2003, Clare 1999, Mulvany 2000 ) have been ignored by the societal theoretical account. Second moving ridge authors in disablement surveies are seen to be oppugning these premises that underpin the societal theoretical account of disablement ( Barnes, 1998 ) and as stated above, significantly, this oppugning motion has refocused epistemic attending onto Impairment ( e.g. French, 1993 ; Crow, 1996 ; Hughes A ; Paterson, 1997 ) . Through appealing to sociological imaginativeness and political committedness, these authors attempt to convey impairment back to the head of disablement surveies, off from its uncomfortable and counterproductive expatriate within quasi-medical discourses. Likewise, postmodern reviews ( e.g. Corker, 1998 ; Corker A ; French, 1998 ) and their problematising of expansive narrations, most evidently Marxism, offer localised, specific and discursively-orientated options that take history of the discursively-embodied nature of damage. Most notably, this bend to impairment challenges the widely recognized definitions provided by the UPIAS 1976 ( Fund amental Principles papers, which has been so influential in indicating ways frontward for the societal, political and theoretical emancipation of people with damages ( Oliver, 1990. 1996 ) . Impairment- missing portion of or all of a limb, or holding a faulty limb being or mechanism of the organic structure. Disability- the disadvantage or limitation of activity caused by ca modern-day societal administration which takes no history of people who have physical damages and therefore except them from mainstream societal activities! ( UPIAS, 1976, quoted in Oliver, 1990, p.11 ) While disablement remains a societal job to be eradicated by social alteration ( through Reconstruction of current systems and by deconstruction through revolutionizing direct action ) , impairments definitional links with medicalised discourses ( as exemplified by UPIAS s definition ) have become progressively distressing. Therefore, instead than sing a bend to impairment as a de-politicising, re-medicalising and watering down the societal theoretical account, more and more of the literature is reasoning that a focal point on damage, alongside an confederation with the societal theoretical account and disablement motion, re-socialises damage ( see Williams, 1998 ) . Such a bend is taking topographic point alongside a current tendency of post-modern and anti-foundationalist theorising about the organic structure in the societal scientific disciplines ( Butler, 1990, 1993 ; Turner, 1992 ; Stam, 1998 ) . For Hughes and Paterson ( 1997 ) , models such a phenomenology and post-structura lism provide theoretical paths for traveling through and against Cartesian differentiations between biological science and society, while alarming us to the impact of assorted institutionalized remedy and rehabilitative societal patterns. Yet, to see this turn to impairment as a recent reaction to the current failings of the societal theoretical account of disablement or the increasing influence of post-modern body speculating , ignores earlier Hagiographas within disablement surveies. In peculiar, the work of Paul Abberley, a first moving ridge author and militant ( Barnes, 1998 ) , demonstrates a clearly articulated instance for developing a societal theory of damage as a important constituent of societal theory of disablement. Abberley noted 14years ago that one of the general effects of the subjugation of handicapped people is that: By forestalling disadvantage as the effect of a naturalized impairment it legitimises the failure of public assistance installations and the distribution system in general to supply for societal demand, that is, it interprets the effects of societal maldistribution as the effects of single lack. ( 1987, reproduced in Barton A ; Oliver, 1997 p.175 ) Damage remains a medical and psychological job to be eradicated or rehabilitated. In contrast, Abberley recognises the demand, in the present theoretical and political clime, to underscore the societal beginnings of damage ( p. 176 ) . He goes on: While the political deductions of such an analysis are evident [ disputing social premises of pathology ] , the conceptual effects are besides profound, since such a impression of disablement as subjugation allows us to organize together into consistent conceptual wholeaˆÂ ¦isolated and disparate countries of societal research. In this conveying together of disparate societal theories, there is a necessity to see damage with ambivalency: What is required is basically an attitude of ambivalency towards damage damage must be identified as a bad thing, in so far as it is an unwanted effect of a deformed societal development, at the same clip as it is held to be a positive property of the person who is impaired. ( p. 165 ) For Abberley, premises about impairment- our epistemic assumptions- drama a important portion in the development of disablement theory. The Disabled People s Motion The societal theoretical account of disablement, which locates the job of restrictions experienced by people with damages in society, instead so with impaired persons ( UPIAS, 1976 ; Oliver, 1990 ) , has lead to increasing research documenting the extent of disadvantage experience by handicapped people both socially and economically. In Britain, the roots of the handicapped peoples motion can be traced back to the last century with the formation in the 1890s of the British Deaf Associate and the National League of the Blind ( Pagel, 1988 ) . However, the motion truly took clasp during the sixtiess with the battle for liberty and independency by a group of handicapped occupants in residential establishments ( Finkelstein, 1991 ) and the puting up of the Disablement Income Group ( DIG ) an administration concentrating on the poorness associated with disablement which has systematically lobbied Parliament for improved disablement benefits since it inception- by two handicapped adult females in 1965. The spread of disablement administrations in the resulting decennary and their failure to procure a comprehensive disablement income led to the formation of an umbrella administration known as the Disability Alliance ( DA ) in 1975. Consequences of the social-political theoretical account This theoretical account arose out of the experiences of the handicapped people. Was originally articulated by handicapped militants and has been embraced, debated and promoted by handicapped and disablement theoreticians. In the footings of Antonio Gramasci ( 1971 ) , the societal theoretical account represents an organic theoretical account: arising from the really people whose experiences it aims to encapsulate. It is besides a postcolonial theoretical account in that is describes the experiences and positions of the dispossessed in their ain footings and counters the imperialistic definitions imposed by those exerting more power ( Young 2003 ) . By jointing the societal theoretical account, handicapped militants and faculty members contested the premises that the jobs faced by handicapped people are direct effects of their damages. When handicapped people foremost encounter the thoughts that inform this theoretical account it is frequently experience of both disclosure and releas e ; a acknowledgment that their impoverished societal fortunes are non their fault ( Campbell A ; Oliver 1996, Crow 1996, Thomas 2002 ) . Beyond being an organic theory originating from a societal motion, the societal theoretical account of disablement has played a important function in act uponing the societal motion from which it originated ( Campbell A ; Oliver 1996 ) : the theoretical account is therefore both societal and political. Disability theoretician and militant, Liz Crow ( 1996 p207 ) observed that is has enabled a vision of ourselves free from the restraints of disablement ( subjugation ) and provided a way for our committedness to societal alteration. It has played a cardinal function in advancing handicapped peoples single self-worth, corporate individuality and political administration . It is besides necessary to analyze the deductions of the societal theoretical account for people with learning disablements. The experiences of people with larning troubles remain every bit fringy as of all time. As indicated the societal theoretical account efforts to embrace the experiences of all handicapped people. In so making it challenges the traditional separation of handicapped people from each other. To use the societal theoretical account to physical or centripetal damage, but non larning trouble, seems to propose that the analysis of society offered by feminism are applicable merely to white adult females that the disregard of the experiences of black adult females within much womens rightist authorship is because patriarchate has no explanatory power for them. ( Shakespeare, 213 ) Decision The socio-political theoretical account has had a major planetary impact. Gabel and Peters ( 2004 p585 ) note evidence for the influence of the societal theoretical account abounds the international declarations and conventions, in national statute law, in planetary enlargement of Community-Based Rehabilitation programmes, in the turning figure of Disability Studies degrees in universities, in the push for inclusive educationaˆÂ ¦ and in the research literature . Canada s Charter of Rights and Freedoms, for illustration, understands disablement as a societal position instead so a job of single shortages ( Rioux 1999 ) .

Homework Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Homework - Assignment Example Cadenas sales force is likely to be unenthusiastic about the value-in-use pricing strategy. This is because, by using the cost plus pricing strategy, they would sell more since the PESA would be provided for free. This would encourage more customers to buy the servers since they will be provided the extra application for free. Nevertheless, they would also be encouraged to sell using the value-in-use pricing strategy since it will it offers a higher price thus a chance to a bigger commission (Bharadwaj and Gordon 4-6). Therefore, Jowers would recommend that the sales force should undergo training in order to comprehend and sell the value of PESA effectively. This will be achieved by convincing consumers that the represents higher productivity and greater savings. In the beginning, consumers will likely question the company’s reasoning in deviating from their tradition approach of providing such performance enhancing tools like PESA for free. This is one of the most difficult tasks that are associated â€Å"Atlantic Bundle† pricing. Therefore Atlantic Computers should strive to demonstrate to their consumers that PESA fundamentally quadruples the number of usual and basic TRONN servers. Additionally, they will need to emphasize that the tool will provide a saving aspect depending on the number of servers being purchased as well as saving on other costs. It is also imperative to ensure that they continue to providing excellent after sale service to encourage loyalty (Bharadwaj and Gordon 5-7). It is projected that the â€Å"Atlantic Bundle† will take approximately 4% market share. Therefore, it is improbable that Ontario will have any concerns at that particular time and would likely not take any counteracting measures at the new product entry in the market. However, Ontario is likely to take two to three years before

Criminology- To what extent are prison suicides in the UK a Essay

Criminology- To what extent are prison suicides in the UK a consequence of prisons being used to accommodate too many people with mental health problems - Essay Example Insufficient mental health treatment is provided by those in charge in the prisons. Extremely harsh, terrifying, and bleak facts are also revealed by a research study lately about the ten most horrific prisons of all times in the world according to which prisoners irrespective of their histories are kept unacceptably jam-packed like animals. The UK prisons are also teeming with psychopath prisoners to some extent who have severe mental health issues like major depression, anxiety, paranoia, and suicide idealization. Overcrowding is blamed for 37% rise in prison suicide among inmates living together in prison systems which have no good management (Woodward 2008). Concerning the alarming situation that as many as 9 out of 10 prisoners in UK are subjected to deal with the rough consequences of depression, paranoia, drug or alcohol abuse, anxiety, and personality disorders, the claim that the rough prison atmosphere in UK might be the reason behind growing number of suicides reported by prison officials starts appearing to be valid and acceptable. â€Å"More than two-thirds of all men, women and children in prison have two or more mental health problems such as depression and anxiety† (PRISON REFORM TRUST 2010). The incidence of mental or personality disorders is really not that common among the normal population and this frequency of ill mental health gives rise to prison suicides which are becoming more frequent in UK now than ever before. There definitely exists a connection between overcrowding in jails and suicide attempts by prisoners. Jails in UK are under pressure from overcrowding and more often than not, they cave in to this pr essure with the result that the statistical data revealed by prison officials identifies that â€Å"the number of prisoners who killed themselves in jail rose significantly in 2007† (BBC

Analytical Techniques for DNA Extraction

Analytical Techniques for DNA Extraction Development of DNA sensors for highly sensitive detection of sequence specific DNA has become crucial due to their extensive applications in clinical diagnosis, pathogen detection, gene expression studies, and environmental monitoring.ref Along with complementary base-pair hybridization between long oligonucleotide for DNA detection, several DNA sensors employ short oligonucleotide (à ¢Ã¢â‚¬ °Ã‚ ¤10 base pair) to this goal. Ref Easley and co-workers constructed the electrochemical proximity assay (ECPA) for highly sensitive and highly selective quantitative detection of protein, where target-induced DNA hybridization between 5, 7, or 10 complementary base system brings redox tag close to the sensor surface resulting direct electrochemical readout. To date, numerous analytical techniques have been established for DNA detection, such as electrochemistry, fluorescence, surface plasmon resonance, chemiluminiscence, quartz crystal microbalance and so on. Ref Among these methods, electrochemical DNA (E-DNA) sensors have attracted much attention owing to their reliability, simplicity, rapid response, low cost and portability, low sample consumption, ability to work in complex-multicomponent samples and remarkably high sensitivity and selectivity.ref The basic principle of E-DNA sensor is based on immobilization of single stranded DNA probe, a selective biological recognition element, on a sensor surface followed by incubation with sample containing the target biomolecules. When a target-induced molecular recognition event (hybridization) takes place the sensor translates that to a measurable electrochemical signal which is directly correlated to the target concentration. In recent years, numerous research groups have studied the perf ormance of these sensors by investigating the effect of immobilized probe structure and probe surface density, nature of the redox reporter used, target length, ionic strength of buffer and modifying the frequency of the square-wave voltammetry employed. ref Nevertheless, distance dependence of the redox tag relative to the electrode surface to achieve maximum signal has never been explored. As solid-phase hybridization is very distinct from that in solution-phase in terms of kinetics and thermodynamics, ref sensor performance may be sensitive to the location of the redox reporter because surface charge would likely alter the hybridization rate of negatively charged DNA which, in turn, alters the signaling properties of E-DNA sensors. Especially for short oligonucleotide (à ¢Ã¢â‚¬ °Ã‚ ¤10 base pair) hybridization near surface the effect may lead to very à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ due to their low binding energy which is not sufficient to overcomeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. Here, we describe a detailed s tudy of the extent to which the location of the redox reporter can be varied to achieve maximum signal within shorter response time in effort to design efficient E-DNA sensors with improved sensitivity. Prior to this work, these electrochemical DNA (E-DNA) and electrochemical, aptamer based (E-AB) sensors have been reported against specific DNA and RNA sequences,2 proteins,3,4 small molecules,5-7 and inorganic ions.8,9 Because all of the sensing components in the E-DNA/EAB platform are covalently attached to the interrogating electrode, the approach requires neither exogenous reagents nor labeling of the target. Likewise, because their signaling is linked to specific, binding-induced changes in the dynamics of the probe DNA (rather than changes in adsorbed mass, charge, etc.), these sensors function well when challenged with complex, contaminant-ridden samples such as blood serum, soil extracts, and foodstuffs.5,7,9,10 These attributes render the E-DNA/E-AB platform an appealing approach for the specific detection of oligonucleotides and other targets that bind DNA or RNA.11-13 In the above methods, electrochemical biosensors are much popular because of their simple instrumentation setup, low sample and reagent consumption as well as high sensitivity and selectivity (Wenetal.,2012; Lu etal.,2012; Wenetal.,2011; Farjamietal.,2011; Xia etal.,2010; Xiang andLu, 2012; Pei etal.,2011; Farjamietal.,2013; Liu etal.,2013b). Electrochemical methods,1,11 being simple, portable and low-cost, are particularly attractive for DNA detection.12à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã¢â‚¬â„¢16 Electrochemical methods have been used extensively in DNA detection assays, as summarized in recent review articles.15,16 Among these protocols, the electrochemical biosensors have attracted particular attention in different fields owing to its small dimensions, easy operation, rapid response, low cost, high sensitivity and selectivity [10,11]. Among these techniques, the electrochemical techniques have received great interests owing to its superior characteristics of rapid response, low-cost, small-size, simple operation, and good selectivity [13-16]. Among these approaches, electrochemical methods have been shown to be superior over the other existing measurement systems,11 because electrochemical transduction possesses a potential allowing the development of rapid, simple, low-cost, and portable devices.12-14 As an alternative to conventional techniques, electrochemical DNA biosensors have attracted considerable interest owing to their intrinsic advantages, including good portability, fast response, and remarkably high sensitivity (Sun etal.,2010). More importantly, a number of DNA biosensors have been developed and extensively applied for the determination of biomarkers (Huang etal.,2014). Microfabrication technology has enabled the development of electrochemical DNA biosensors with the capacity for sensitive and sequence-specific detection of nucleic acids.1-5 The ability of electrochemical sensors to directly identify nucleic acids in complex mixtures is a significant advantage over approaches such as polymerase chain reaction (PCR) that require target purification and amplification. Electrochemical DNA sensors are reliable, fast, simple, and cost- effective devices that convert the hybridization occurring on an electrode surface into an electrical signal by means of direct or indirect methods. the electrochemical DNA (E-DNA) sensor is one of them. This sensor platform, the electrochemical equivalent of optical molecular beacons, exhibits notable sensitivity, specificity and operational convenience whilst also being fully electronic, reusable and able to work in complex, contaminant-rich samples [4-6]. Compared with other transducers, electrochemical ones received particular interest due to a rapid detection and great sensitivity. Combining the characteristics of DNA probes with the capacity of direct and label-free electrochemical detection represents an attractive solution in many different fields of application, such as rapid monitoring of pollutant agents or metals in the environment, investigation and evaluation of DNA-drug interaction mechanisms, detection of DNA base damage in clinical diagnosis, or detection of specific DNA sequences in human, viral, and bacterial nucleic acids [2-8]. The determination using electrochemical biosensor methods has attracted much interest because of their simple instrumentation, high specificity, sensitivity, rapid, and is inexpensive with potential for applications in molecular sensing devices. Amongst the electrochemical transducers, carbon electrodes such as glassy carbon, carbon fibre, graphite, or carbon black exhibit several unique properties. Recent engineering advances have enabled the development of electrochemical DNA biosensors with molecular diagnostic capabilities (2, 8, 18, 33, 47). Electrochemical DNA biosensors offer several advantages compared to alternative molecular detection approaches, including the ability to analyze complex body fluids, high sensitivity, compatibility with microfabrication technology, a low power requirement, and compact instrumentation compatible with portable devices (18, 48). Electrochemical DNA sensors consist of a recognition layer containing oligonucleotide probes and an electrochemical signal transducer. A well-established electrochemical DNA sensor strategy involves sandwich hybridization of target nucleic acids by capture and detector probes (5, 7, 46, 50). First reported in 2003, electrochemical DNA (E-DNA) biosensors are reagentless, single-step sensors comprised of a redox-reporter-modified nucleic acid probe attached to an interrogating electrode.1 Originally used for the detection of DNA2à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã¢â‚¬â„¢9 and RNA10 targets, the platform has since been expanded to the detection of a wide range of small molecules,11,12 inorganic ions,13,14 and proteins,12,15à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã¢â‚¬â„¢17 including antibodies,18,19 via the introduction of aptamers and nucleic-acid-small molecule and nucleic-acid-peptide conjugates as recognition elements (reviewed in refs 20 and 21). Irrespective of their specific target, all of these sensors are predicated on a common mechanism: binding alters the efficiency with which the attached redox reporter approaches the electrode due to either the steric bulk of the target or the changes in the conformation of the probe.1,12,18 Given this mechanism, these sensors are quantitative, single-step (washfree), and selective enough to perform well even in complex clinical samples.12,15 They are likewise supported on micrometer- scale electrodes22 and require only inexpensive, handheld driving electronics (analogous to the home glucose meter23), suggesting they are well suited to applications at the point-of-care. Among these, the electrochemical detection of DNA hybridization appears promising due to its rapid response time, low cost, and suitability for mass production.11,12 The E-DNA sensor,13-16 which is the electrochemical equivalent of an optical molecular beacon,17-20 appears to be a particularly promising approach to oligonucleotide detection because it is rapid, reagentless, and operationally convenient.21,22 The E-DNA sensor is comprised of a redox-modified stemloop probe that is immobilized on the surface of a gold electrode via self-assembled monolayer chemistry. In the absence of a target, the stem-loop holds the redox moiety in proximity to the electrode, producing a large Faradic current. Upon target hybridization, the stem is broken and the redox moiety moves away from the electrode surface. This produces a readily measurable reduction in current that can be related to the presence and concentration of the target sequence. Both E-DNA sensors13-16 and related sensors based on th e binding-induced folding of DNA aptamers23-28 have been extensively studied in recent years. Nevertheless, key issues in their fabrication and use have not yet been explored in detail. Electrochemical biosensors, combining the sensitivity of electroanalytical methods with the inherent bio-selectivity of the biological component, have found extensive application in diverse fields because of their high sensitivity with relatively simple and low-cost measurement systems.1 For example, by assembling artful target-responsive DNA architectures on the electrode surface, a series of electrochemical bioanalysis methods have been proposed for the sensing of specific biomarkers, such as DNA and proteins.2-5 The typical sensing schemes of these designs involve the immobilization of an efficient probe on the electrode surface, incubation with target biomolecules, and measurement of the output electrochemical signal.6,7 A wide variety of nanomaterials including metal nanoparticles, oxide nanoparticles, quantum dots, carbon nanotubes, graphene and even hybrid nanomaterials have found attractive application in electrochemical biosensing, such as detection of DNA, proteins and pathogens and the design of biological nanodevices (bacteria/cells).14,15 Electrochemical transducers offer broad opportunities in DNA sensor design due to simple experiment protocols, inexpensive and mostly commercially available equipment. Among various detection methods, the electrochemical approach attracted much attention due to its rapidness, low cost, high sensitivity and compatibility with portability [10,11]. The E-DNA sensor [12,13], an electrochemical method derived from the optical molecular beacon[14,15], is particularly promising because it is reagentlessness andoperation convenience. In brief, the E-DNA sensor is composed of a redox-modified hairpin-like stem-loop DNA probe that is immobilized on the electrode surface. Without a target, the stem-loop structure holds the redox probe close to the electrode surface, pro-ducing a large current. Upon hybridization with a target, the stem is opened and the redox label moves away from the electrode surface and the current is decreased. This current change is directly related to the target DNA concentration. Many different versions of the E-DNA sensor have been reported to date [7-9]. A popular construct of this type of sensors is a folding-based E-DNA sensor comprised of a redox-labeled DNA stem-loop probe covalently attached to a gold disk electrode. In the absence of a target, the stem-loop conformation holds the redox label in close proximity to the electrode, facilitating electron transfer. In the presence of and binding to a complementary DNA target, hybridization forces the redox tag farther from the electrode, impeding electron transfer and producing an observable reduction in redox current [4-6]. In this approach, a single-stranded DNA (ssDNA) probe is immobilized on a surface and exposed to a sample containing the specific complementary target sequence, which is captured by forming a double-stranded DNA(dsDNA) molecule. This recognition event (hybridization) is then transduced into a readable signal. In this strategy, the target is anchored to the sensor surface by the capture probe and detected by hybridization with a detector probe linked to a reporter function. Detector probes coupled to oxidoreductase reporter enzymes allow amperometric detection of redox signals by the sensor electrodes (28, 34). When a fixed potential is applied between the working and reference electrodes, enzyme-catalyzed redox activity is detected as a measurable electrical current (11, 16, 27). The current amplitude is a direct reflection of the number of target-probe-reporter enzyme complexes anchored to the sensor surface. Because the initial step in the electrochemical detection strategy is nucleic acid hybridization rather than enzyme-based target amplification, electrochemical sensors are able to directly detect target nucleic acids in clinical specimens, an advantage over nucleic acid amplification techniques, such as PCR. Electrochemical methods are typically inexpensive and rapid methods that allow distinct analytes to be detected in a highly sensitive and selective manner [22-25]. Although electrochemical DNA sensors exploit a range of distinct chemistries, they all take advantage of the nanoscale interactions among the target present in solution, the recognition layer, and the solid electrode surface. This has led to the development of simple signal transducers for the electrochemical detection of DNA hybridization by using an inexpensive analyzer. DNA hybridization can be detected electrochemically by using various strategies that exploit the electrochemistry of the redox reaction of reporters [26] and enzymes immobilized onto an electrode surface [27], direct or catalytic oxidation of DNA bases [28-31], electrochemistry of nanoparticles [32-35], conducting polymers (CPs) [35-37], and quantum dots [38]. E-DNA sensors, the electrochemical analog of optical molecular beacons [e.g.,1-4], are based on the hybridization-induced folding of an electrode-bound, redox-tagged DNA probe. In their original implementation, the concentration of a target oligonucleotide is recorded when it hybridizes to a stem-loop DNA probe, leading to the formation of a rigid, double stranded duplex that sequesters the redox tag from the interrogating electrode [1]. Follow-on E-DNA architectures have dispensed with the stem-loop probe in favor of linear probes, leading to improved binding thermodynamics and, thus, improved gain [5], as well as strand-invasion, hairpin and pseudoknot probes producing signal-on sensors [6-8]. Because E-DNA sensors are reagentless, electronic (electrochemical) and highly selective (they perform well even when challenged directly in complex, multicomponent samples such as blood serum or soil) [e.g., 9], E-DNA sensors appear to be a promising and appealing approach for the sequence-s pecific detection of DNA and RNA [see, e.g., 10,11]. E-DNA signaling arises due to hybridization-linked changes in the rate, and thus efficiency, with which the redox moiety collides with the electrode and transfers electrons. To design efficient DNA-electrochemical biosensors, it is essential to know the structure and to understand the electrochemical characteristics of DNA molecules. Motivated by the potential advantages of the E-DNA sensing platform, numerous research groups have explored their fabrication and optimization over the past decade. Specifically, efforts have been made to improve the platforms signal gain (change in signal upon the addition of saturating target) by optimizing the frequency of the square-wave potential rampemployed,11 the density with which the target-recognizing probes packed onto the electrode,11,24 probe structure,25 the redox reporter employed,26 and the nature of the monolayer coating the electrode.25 Contributing to these studies, we describe here a more comprehensive study of the extent to which the square-wave voltammetric approach itself can be optimized to achieve maximum signal gain. Specifically, we have investigated the effect of varying the square-wave frequency, amplitude, and potential step-size on the gain of E-DNA sensors, evaluating each parameter as a function of the others as well as of the structure of the E-DNA probe, its packing density, the nature of its redox-reporter, and the monolayer chemistry used to coat the sensing electrode. E-DNA sensors are a reagentless, electrochemical oligonucleotide sensing platform based on a redox-tag modified, electrode-bound probe DNA. Because E-DNA signaling is linked to hybridization-linked changes in the dynamics of this probe, sensor performance is likely dependent on the nature of the self-assembled monolayer coating the electrode. We have investigated this question by characterizing the gain, specificity, response time and shelf-life of E-DNA sensors fabricated using a range of co-adsorbates, including both charged and neutral alkane thiols. The signaling mechanism of E-DNA sensors is linked to a bindingspecific change in the flexibility of the redox-tagged probe; upon hybridization, the relatively rigid target/probe duplex hampers the collision of the electrochemical tag thus decreasing the observable amperometric signal [5,12]. This, in turn, suggests that E-DNA signaling may be sensitive to changes in surface chemistry which, due to surface charge and steric bulk effects, would likely alter the dynamics of a negatively charged DNA probe. However, despite rapid growth in the E-DNA literature [reviewed in 13] the extent to which surface chemistry affects E-DNA signaling has not been established; all previous E-DNA sensors were fabricated using hydroxyl-terminated alkane thiol self-assembled monolayers (SAMs) [e.g.,1,3,5,7,9]. Here we address this question and describe a study of E-DNA sensors fabricated using co-adsorbates of various lengths and charges in an effort to further optimize E-DNA performance. For example, while it is likely that the signaling properties of these sensors depend sensitively on the density of immobilized probe DNA molecules on the sensor surface (measured in molecules of probe per square centimeter) [see, e.g., refs 5 and 29-36], no systematic study of this effect has been reported. Similarly, while it appears that the size of the target and the location of the recognition element within the target sequence affect signal suppression,24 this effect, too, has seen relatively little study. Here we detail the effects of probe surface density, target length, and other aspects of molecular crowding on the signaling properties, specificity, and response time of the E-DNA sensor. However, the sensitivity is one of the most important limiting factors for the development of electrochemical DNA biosensors.

Annotated Bibliography Lord of the Rings

Rutledge,   Fleming. The Battle for Middle-earth: Tolkien's Divine Design in The Lord of the Rings. Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans. 2004. Fleming Rutledge takes a deep dive into the religious undertones behind Tolkien's masterpiece. This was especially written for Tolkien readers who look at The Lord of the Rings as pure fantasy, totally unaware of the religious dimensions of the story. The author accomplishes this by taking a parallel analysis of the events as they unfold in the book. With scholarly expertise, Rutledge shows the theological themes that drive every action in the story, thus proving the profound presence of religion in the sub-narrative. In his introduction, Rutledge writes the following: Nonetheless, because I have come to the work entirely without expectations, I am presumptuous enough to believe that my delayed, untaught encounter with the Ring saga – combined with my knowledge of Scripture, theology, and the Church – had afforded an opportune glimpse into Tolkien’s deepest intimations. (2) In another chapter, Rutledge writes about Bilbo’s behavior, If there were any doubts about the lasting effects of the ring even on the most innocuous individuals, the next sequence dispels it. †¦ In the great Hall of Fire after dinner, Frodo is reunited with Bilbo. Of course Frodo is overjoyed to see his beloved relative, mentor and friend once more; it has been the greatest desire of his heart. But when the subject of the ring comes up between them, an appalling change creeps over Bilbo. He asks, in a rather too sniveling a voice if he can see the Ring once more†¦ The change in Bilbo is revolting†¦ The implication is clear. One more close encounter with the Ring and dear, cuddly, beloved Bilbo will be on his way to becoming another Gollum. 2. West, John Garret, et al. Celebrating Middle-Earth: The Lord of the Rings As a Defense of Western Civilization. Inkling Books. 2002 This volume is a collaboration among six writers who each explores the place of The Lord of the Rings in the modern Western world. Each of the authors present In John West’s preface, he says, Tolkien was both a devout Christian and a dedicated scholar of the Western intellectual and literary traditions, and his love for Christianity and the West stand at the core of this narrative. Far from being simple escapism or blind nostalgia, Tolkien’s saga actually confronts many of the idols of modernism and post-modernism. (10) Another writer, Kerry Dearborn maintains, Tolkien’s faith was deeply important to him, and it is something woven into the fabric of his stories, but something which must be deduced or worked out†¦Although Tolkien reflects vivid belief in and experience of the world’s depravity, his faith correlates more closely to Christian traditions that would affirm a vestige of the divine in creation and the imago dei (the image of God) in humanity rather than total depravity. (95-96) Towards the end of the book, West writes, We are free to a point. We are free to accept our calling or reject it. The most inspiring thing about The Lord of the Rings, for me, is its heroes’ monumental struggle to fulfill the mission that fate had ordained for them†¦ Nothing could make them abandon their mission†¦ Whereas the good characters all submit to authority outside of them, the bad ones recognize no authority higher than their individual will. 3. Bassham, Gregory and Bronson, Eric. The Lord of the Rings and Philosophy: One Book to Rule Them All.   Open Court Publishing. 2003. The author of this book is chairman of the philosophy department at King's College. This book takes a philosophical view on the lessons on life and living that the Lord of the Rings presents. Particularly, the authors distill lessons about morality and ethics, the power of choice, and the corruptive nature of power. Bassham writes the following, †¦Gollum is the more fascinating character†¦ He represents the good gone bad, something which is always intriguing for those who are struggling to stay with the first. Sam represents the good that stays good even under temptation. Both Gollum and Sam want the same thing: to be happy. Both work hard at it. But only one of them succeeds: Sam reaches his goal and Gollum ends in disaster. Why? This is the momentous philosophical question, because it concerns the nature of the good life, the life of happiness. We need to answer it because in answering we can perhaps also learn something important about how to achieve happiness for ourselves. In the book, the authors make the following points, So St. Augustine and Tolkien agree that nothing is completely and utterly evil, because such a thing could not even exist because existence itself is good. (103) In another chapter, the authors further, In an epic tale of good and evil such as The Lord of the Rings, it is a virtual necessity that the characters representing good and evil can be identified as such by the reader. One way for them to be identified is through their actions. Another is though the character traits from which those actions proceed. There may be different literary reasons for preferring one approach to the other, but when the characters are given personalities that exhibit virtues or vices, the moral lesson is clearer. The lesson is clearer because right actions may be performed for wrong reasons, or, alternatively, wrongful acts may be performed for the right reasons. So just looking at what people do may be less morally instructive than considering who they are. (110) 4. Lobdell, Jared et al. A Tolkien Compass. Open Court Publishing. 2003. This book is basically a compilation of reflections to the places and characters in Middle-Earth. This book is intended to use Middle Earth as a guide to our own life’s journeys. This volume traces the journeys of some of the main characters in Tolkien’s story, their inner struggle and transformations, and cull lessons that we an use as we face life’s many uncertainties. Walter Schepes writes in his essay, It is important to note that most of the distinctions between good and evil in The Lord of the Rings are generic distinctions, and the forces of evil are often immediately recognizable as such from their place of origin, their color, or their manner of speech. (44) The author furthers, These major characters seem to fall into groups of three. First, there are three already wholly corrupted by the desire for power – Sauron, the Ringwraiths, and Gollum. Second, there are the three who belong to an earlier time and have removed themselves from the world to such a degree that the power of the Ring means nothing to them – Shelob, Fangorn, and Tom Bombadil. Third, there are three, The Great, who would have the strength to wield the power of the Ring if they did obtain it – Saruman, Gandalf, and Galadriel. Fourth, there are the three men of Gondor to whom the Ring offers special temptation in their threatened land – Boromir, Denethor, and Faramir. And fifth, there are the three who for differing reasons obtain heroic stature in the story – Frodo, Sam, and Aragorn. (57) 5. Curry, Patrick. Defending Middle-Earth: Tolkien, Myth and Modernity. Mariner Books. 2004 Curry focuses on the different social and political systems that existed in Middle Earth and how these various structure worked together to ward off an evil that threatens all of them. The author maintains that Tolkien’s masterpiece is a spiritual work meant to enlighten those who read it with an open heart. This book also analyzes the symbolic battle of nature against a highly mechanical, modern world and how Tolkien presents us with a cautionary tale about the abuses of technology. The following is an excerpt from the book: However, although Tolkien drew on the tiny corner of the world that is the West Midlands of England, readers from virtually everywhere else in the world connect the hobbits with a rustic people of their own, relatively untouched by modernity – if not still actually existing, then from the alternative reality of folk and fairy tale. 6. Chance, Jane. Tolkien the Medievalist. Routledge. 2003 This book puts Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings in the context of the Medieval Period. The book provides an in-depth analysis of the elements of Tolkien’s stories and relates them to the literary characteristics that were in effect during the Middle Ages. This book will be useful in studying how the elements of Catholic beliefs of good and evil influence Tolkien’s famed The Lord of the Rings trilogy. However, aside from the comparison with the literature of the Middle Ages, this volume offers an interesting perspective on how the trilogy came to be and to what extent did the existing circumstances, particularly the looming world war, affected Tolkien’s value system and how he wrote the book. A relevant quote from the book goes like this, In September of that year John Ronald Tolkien, then a 22-year old student at Oxford awaiting military call-up, wrote a fairy tale poem titled â€Å"The Voyage of Earendel,† about a celestial mariner who sails west to seek peace for Middle Earth. It was the beginning of his invented mythology. (26) 7. Isaacs, Neil David et al. Understanding The Lord Of The Rings: The Best Of Tolkien Criticism edited by Neil David Isaacs. Houghton Mifflin Books. 2005 This volume compiled and edited by Isaacs is the definitive collection of literary criticisms on The Lord of the Rings. The books compile essays from the time The Lord of the Rings was first published up until the renewed interest in Tolkien after the release of the Peter Jackson’s film. This book is valuable because it presents a variety of perspectives and arguments without diluting the beauty of Tolkien’s masterpiece. In Edmund Fuller’s essay, he makes a point about the theme of good and evil in The Lord of the Rings, As to the inherent meaning, we are confronted basically by a raw struggle between good and evil. This contest offers a challenge and demands decisions of several kinds. The power of evil is formidable and ruthless. The initial decision, in which many of the characters participate, is whether or not to attempt to resist at all†¦ So great and discouraging are the odds involved in resistance that the possibility of surrender, terrible than the fight – unless the deciding element is the moral choice of rejecting evil regardless of consequence. (19) 8. Porter, Lynette. Unsung Heroes of The Lord Of The Rings: From The Page To The Screen. Praeger/Greenwood. 2005 Porter’s book presents a fresh take on heroism as defined by the minor characters on the book. Most criticisms on The Lord of the Rings are about the central characters, often overlooking the fact that the ones in the background have struggles and heroism in their own lives as well. Here is Porter’s take on Pippin, Pippin’s value as a hero cannot truly be measured using the typical definitions of a literary hero. The importance of his character lies not in his ability to serve as a classic literary hero preordained for greatness, but in his ability to overcome his fear and self-doubt to grow up and into a heroic young adult. Pippin is truly the everyperson hero who, at least early in his life, might be voted least likely to do anything worthwhile for others, but who matures into a leader capable of heroic action in crises. (59)

Anthropology of Tattoos

Scarred across her back are raised bumps forming intricate designs of lines and angles, a reminder of who she is and where she is from. She thinks back on the ceremony in which she was marked with the painful scarification. She remembered feeling a sense of calm as the village artist pierced her back with a small arrowhead, stretching the skin away from the body and swiftly but skillfully cutting a slit in her back. He repeated this several times as a ceremonial pot was filled with gathering soot from the burning fire. After the artist finished his tedious design, he rubbed soot from the pot bottom deep into the slits, planting the bacteria that would infect the skin, raising the scars into their meaningful design. She felt accomplished that she withstood the agonizing pain while other members of her clan could not. Her newly inherited body art signified the birth of her first son, and left her with a renewed sense of beauty. This is the way of life common to people indigenous to the motherland of Africa. Scarification, however, is not the only form of body art that is used. Body painting, tattooing, and branding are all similar forms of body art, which can be found in Africa and other cultures throughout the world. The word â€Å"tattoo† comes from the Tahitian word â€Å"tattau†, which means â€Å"to mark†. Tattoos have evolved from being symbols of punishment that were given to identify criminals and slaves in the early ninth-century Chinese culture, into a pop-culture trend of using he skin as â€Å"a way of describing the exotic uncivilized other† within ourselves (Schildkrout 2004:324). For centuries, the body has been used as a â€Å"visible way of defining individual identity and cultural difference† (Schildkrout 2004:319). This cultural difference becomes apparent when studying the evolution of body art over time, especially when focusing on the differences between the Western and Non-Western cultures. People have been adorning their body with tattoos and piercing for centuries, but until recently, the thought of tattoos in ancient Egypt had been pushed aside. It has now been discovered that, without a doubt, tattoos did exist in that time period. Although miniscule, a group of enormously important tattooed mummies serve to help prove this point (Bianchi 1988:21). The first mummy to be discovered was one f a woman named Amunet, whose mummy was found in an excellent state of preservation, â€Å"most likely due to the fact that she served as a priestess of the goddess Harthor at Thebes during Dynasty XI†(Bianchi 1988:22). The tattoos on her body were comprised of a pattern of dots and dashes in an elliptical shape on her lower abdomen. The thighs and arms adorned the identical parallel lines of the aforementioned pattern. Two more women mummies, who were discovered and believed to be from the same time period, also had similar tattoos on their lower abdomen (Bianchi 1988:22). This group of woman represents an exclusive group of Egyptians who received tattoos in that time period, because there is no other evidence that shows tattoos to be a part of the Egyptian culture until the time of the Middle Kingdom. These abstract patterns associated with ritualistic tattooing survived into the New Kingdom. The Egyptians, more then likely, borrowed a form of tattooing from the Nubian civilization. Unlike the Nubians, whose purpose for tattooing is unknown, â€Å"the Egyptians appear to have regarded the tattoo as one of several vehicles by which the procreative powers of the deceased could be revived† (Bianchi 1988:27). Substantiation proposes that only women were associated with the decorating of their bodies and the ritualistic activities that went along with it. The art of tattooing began with the grouping of bluish or black dots and/or dashes forming abstract geometric patterns; that system of body art lasted for over two thousand years in ancient Egypt. Just like other ideas and goods, the idea of tattooing began to travel to several different societies, and has evolved into extremely different forms of art all over the world. In northeastern Zambia, the Tabwa â€Å"once covered themselves from head to foot with scarification† (Roberts 1988:41). The women of the Tabwa began receiving elaborate marks on their face, chest, and backs when they were young girls; it sometimes was continued at other points in a woman’s life (Roberts 1988:43) such as courting rituals and for woman wishing to bear a child. Male sculptors would trace designs and make incisions on the lesser intimate parts of the body; they left the rest for the women to do. ‘Tabwa women used razors to slit skin [that had been] plucked up with a fishhook or arrowhead. These incisions were then rubbed with soot from a pot bottom, an irritant that produced the desired raised cicatrices† (Roberts 1988:44). There were several reasons that this tradition was done, different to every age and gender in the tribe. Young women went through this process in order to achieve a state of perfection, which was required for those wanting to marry and have children (Roberts 1988:45). Scarification is a form of body art that was used in several tribes because according to their customs â€Å"beauty is not physically innate, but rather a function of the girl’s inscriptions† (Roberts 1988:45). Not only the Tabwa, scarification was used in such tribes as the Ga’anda and the Tiv; all the tribes have distinctly different purposes for doing this, but the process and effect of the body are the same. Another form of body art is body painting, which the people of the Southeast Nuba begin at a young age; but the meanings, and time frame from when they begin decorating the body are very different between males and females. The males paint themselves from the ages of 12 to 27 (Faris 1988:31). Typically, they only paint during the down time after the harvest season and before the next years planting begins. This is the time that the males are less involved in mandatory and productive activities; they spend their supplementary time with festive activities such as dance and sport participation. The restrictions placed on the men by their age, most importantly deal with the color that they use on their body—for example â€Å" only the older age groups are eligible to use the greatest elaboration in color, including the deep black and yellow [colors, that are] prohibited to younger grades†(Faris 1988:32). The change in elaboration allowed on the body does not coincide with any physiological changes, rather, it corresponds with changes â€Å"in productive status or sport† (Faris 1988:32). As they move up in grades from young laborers that answer to the elders, to mature men that own their own property, farm and family, their elaborate painting ability increases. The elders though, do not decorate their bodies; rather, they delegate and lead rituals for the younger men and enforce the rules of allowed color use. Therefore, the male body painting shows their progression thru ones life stages. The women of Southeast Nuba, â€Å"from the age of six years, until consummation of marriage, oil and ochre [their bodies] daily, in colors [that are] appropriate to their patri-clan section† (Faris 1988:34). After childbirth, they may continue to wear some oil and ochre on their shoulders. The personal body art of women is strictly related to the physiological changes that occur as a women goes through life, and are fixed around body scarification as a way of showing her changes. A woman’s scarification is so important, that â€Å"if a husband refuses to pay for a scarring specialist, a woman may seek a lover who will do so, and her first marriage will end† (Faris 1988:35). Unlike the males elaborate body art, a woman’s body art is simple, but it accumulates over her life-span and is very standardized, while a male’s body art is constantly changing. Body painting, tattooing and scarification thus far had been tools used by individuals to beautify their body and elevate their status within their tribe; this is not the case with all societies. In several other cultures, tattoos have been used in a form of branding, which is quite the opposite. Though tattooing and branding are â€Å"similar in that both involve the insertion of pigments under the skin to create permanent marks†, branding is implemented in order to lower an individuals status, to punish for crimes committed, to identify slaves, but most importantly, to eliminate personal identity (Schildkrout 2004:323). â€Å"The immutable alteration of human skin by branding needs to be considered in relation to, but ought not be confused with, tattooing† (Bianchi 1988:27). Two recent studies originating in South Africa elaborate on this subject, reporting on the political influence of tattooing â€Å"as a means of social control† (Schildkrout 2004:330). They site examples from Zambia in which a medical practitioner travels around to villages â€Å"in which witch craft accusations have been common†¦to inoculate people against people against witch craft† (Schildkrout 2004:331). The villagers would â€Å"submit to bodily inspections†, they were then treated â€Å"by getting numbers tattooed on their arms† (Schildkrout 2004:331). This is disturbingly reminiscent of Nazi concentration camps when an unfathomable number of Jewish people lost their personal identities and became known as only a number in the system to be disposed of. This â€Å"symbolic denial of personhood† served as a system â€Å"of control and surveillance† (Schildkrout 2004:323). This system of control was also imposed by â€Å"authoritarian regimes† in Southeast Asia (Schildkrout 2004:323). The Zhou and Ming Dynasties branded criminals as a form of punishment with â€Å"extensive, often full-body tattoos, with elaborate pictorial imagery as well as written inscriptions† (Schildkrout 2004:324) portraying their crime. This form of tattooing is definitely contrary to traditional methods. Similarly in Brazil, branding was used to mark convicts by the penal authorities. Penal tattoos derived their power from subjugation of the marked convicts. The humiliation of being visibly branded was a significant component of the convict’s punishment. In an act of resistance, those that had been branded â€Å"were known to reclaim their bodies by writing over the inscriptions or by displaying them in new social situations† (Schildkrout 2004:324). The branded, therefore, became the empowered, restoring the function of the tattoo to being personally-motivated. This personal motivation is perhaps most notable in Western cultures, specifically North America. In America, the Native Americans used body painting in many ways, usually connected with ethnic identity, social roles or marital status (Rubin 1988:179). The Natives also used the body as a canvas in ritualistic ceremonies, on warriors going into battle and for the beautification of their women. When the Europeans discovered America, they brought with them slaves from Africa and they introduced branding of the slaves into the American culture. After the civil war, when the slaves had been freed, branding was still embedded in American culture through groups of people including gang members and convicts. Though â€Å"branding is often associated with involuntary marking and the denial of personhood†, it has also â€Å"been adopted in contemporary Western body culture as an assertion of group identity, for example in college fraternities† (Schildkrout 2004:323). Tattoos were also prevalent in other parts of America, including Alaska. Among the Eskimos â€Å"[t]he function of these art forms [was] – essentially manifesting one’s place or role within the hierarchy of hunting life† (Gritton 1988:190). With the introduction and adaptation of the western civilization in Alaskan culture, â€Å"the marks of a hunter or hunter’s wife served no purpose in their new lives and were understandably abandoned† (Gritton 1988:190). The function of body art and tattooing has been Americanized, evolving from its native origins to incorporate self expression. This self expression has mushroomed from a manor of identifying oneself to a way of gaining attention through shock value. Though ever-changing, all forms of body art mentioned play enormous roles in the lives of people. Certain non-Western cultures are based around the ability to use skin as a visible way of defining status or bettering their self-image, in order to attract companions. So the artists who are allowed to perform the act of adorning bodies with different designs are regarded as having a very important place in the society. They are â€Å"scarring specialist† (Faris 1988:35), â€Å"body artists† (Drewal 1988:84), but most importantly, they are known as â€Å"[the] one-who-creates- art† (Drewal 1988:84). In the non-Native American culture, however, the general attitude towards tattoo artist in present-day American culture is less than appreciative. Extreme critics even characterize tattooist as opportunist, exclusively seeking monetary gain (Sanders 1988:229). â€Å"The tattooist interest in artistry and control is often in conflict with his profit orientation†, revealing the major flaw within the American society (Sanders 1988:229). This is the major difference in western and non-western cultures. Body tattoos in western society are an object to be purchased. Americans obtain tattoos in the same manner that they acquire a new Louis Vuitton handbag. They purchase them as accessories, which is in stark contrast to the non-western cultures, who acquire tattoos as an essential ritual in their society. With this is mind, the process in which American’s purchases body art seems slightly ridiculous. Tattoo artists often complain of the unwillingness of customers to spend the quoted amount of money for â€Å"a tattoo [they] are going to wear for the rest of [their] life† (Sanders 1988:229). It is more acceptable in American culture to invest in short term materialistic purchases, therefore the legitimate tattoo artists are constantly being monitored and regimented under strict laws imposed by the government. Despite the absurdity of the purchasing process, the reasoning that propels the American society to obtain tattoos is just as flawed. Some reasons people give to explain permanently marking their skin include, â€Å"they were drunk, it’s a macho thing, to fit in with a crowd or even worse, for no reason at all† (DeMello 1995:42). Western society seems to have a complete disregard for the spiritual origins of body art. Tattoo artist are even witness to clients’ apathy, avoiding â€Å"working on people who are obviously under the influence of alcohol† (Sanders 1988:225). Where once there was a ceremonious celebration deeply rooted in spiritualism, in American society the only ritualistic ceremony is the receiving of a piece of paper on how to care for the recently acquired body art. This apathetic attitude of Americans is perhaps derived from the renouncing majority of the population. This bias stems from â€Å"very early ‘regulations’ [including] Moses’ remarks in Leviticus 19:28 forbidding any cuttings in the flesh or the printing of any marks† (Armstrong 2005:39). Since tattoos â€Å"were not sanctioned by the church† the profile for the tattooed archetype became unconventional (Schildkrout 2004:325). Christian belief has been adapted to the masses, forcing those who are tattooed into rebellion. The majority of people adopting body art include â€Å"bikers, convicts, and other ‘low lives’† (DeMello 1995:40). In Western society â€Å"the idea that the unmarked body as a sign of God’s work was linked to the Protestant reformation† and â€Å"the idea that body markings were a sign of savagery goes back even earlier† ( Schildkrout 2004:324). This is ironic considering tattoos in earlier cultures signified positions of high status. Perhaps the only entity that ties these drastic cultures together is the desire to increase their inherited beauty. â€Å"If the body is – metaphorically – a site of inscription to various degrees for various theorist, then cosmetic surgery can be seen, at one level, as an example of the literal and explicit enactment of this process of inscription† ( Schildkrout 2004:320), which is also seen in the aforementioned tribes with the rituals of scarification. DeMello also agrees that along with tattooing and piericing, that cosmetic surgery is seen as a form of â€Å"body modification† (DeMello 1995:37). â€Å"Not only does the tattooed skin negotiate between the individual and society and between different social groups, but also mediates relations between persons and spirits, the human and the divine† (Schildkrout 2004:321). Body art is a tradition that extends throughout the barriers of the world and although the forms in which they are found may be different, the idea of using your body as a canvas is universal. Although recently, several anthropologists agreed and have begun to examine body art more closely, looking at it â€Å"as a microcosm of society† (Schildkrout 2004:328), Roberts still believes that â€Å"there can be no ultimate explanation of symbolism† (Roberts 1988:51). He claims that â€Å"the blazes on trees in the Ndembu forest will remain many years after their purpose and meaning are forgotten. So it is with other inscriptions† (Roberts 1988:51). This is exemplified in the woman who endured the agonizing pain of her scarification to instigate a new chapter in her life. Nevertheless, soon after her body is placed into the ground, her skin will no longer be a visible indication of who she once was. She will become a memory and her body will no longer be used as a canvas.